Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Praise for Stuart Hall, Conjunctural Analysis and Cultural Criminology -- Contents -- About the Author -- Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction and Overview -- Chapter by Chapter Overview -- References -- Part I Stuart Hall and Conjunctural Analysis -- 2 Conjunctural Analysis Part One: From Early Political Writings to Resistance Through Rituals -- What Is a Conjuncture? -- What Is Conjunctural Analysis? -- RTR and PTC: Different Sides of the Same Conjunctural Coin -- References -- 3 Conjunctural Analysis Part Two: The Case of Policing the Crisis -- A Short Detour via Marx -- PTC Part I: From Particular 'Mugging' Trials to the Determinations of an Over-Reaction -- Part II: From the Reception of Media Messages to the Determinations of Ideologies of Crime and Punishment -- Part III: From Moral Panics to the Determinations of a Crisis of Hegemony -- Part IV: From the Lives of Black Youths to the Determinations of the Politics of Mugging -- Conclusion -- References -- Part II Cultural Criminology, Theorising and Stuart Hall -- 4 Cultural Criminology Part One: The Problems with a Theory-Driven Methodology -- An Overview of the Cultural Criminology Project -- City Limits and the Limitations of Theory -- 'Merton with Energy, Katz with Structure': An Imaginary Synthesis -- Summary and Conclusion -- References -- 5 Cultural Criminology Part Two: Ethnography, Carnival and the Need for Critique -- A Tale of Two Ethnographies -- A Traditional Ethnography: Carl Nightingale's On the Edge -- A Cultural Criminology Ethnography: Jeff Ferrell's Tearing Down the Streets -- Comparing the Ethnographies in Their Own Terms -- The Question of Attentiveness -- Data and Theory -- Comparing Ethnographies in Terms of their Relationship to Conjunctural Analysis -- Comparing a Conjunctural and a Cultural Criminological Approach to Carnival.

This article addresses the Labour Party's apparent inability to capitalise on the ready availability of good, progressive ideas. It suggests the key is to be found in the idea that the Labour Party no longer represents working-class people, a disjunction that can be best understood
using Gramsci's distinction between 'common sense' and 'good sense'. Good sense is a more coherent development of everyday, commonsense thinking, based on its 'healthy nucleus'. However, it must never lose contact with common sense and become abstract and disconnected from life. Using this
distinction, a critique of the common-sense notion of meritocracy follows, since the educational disconnect between Labour politicians and their working-class supporters is one of its malign results. This critique builds from the evidence of working-class rejection of meritocracy - the healthy
nucleus that recognises the inadequacy of its justifying principle of equality of opportunity. To this is counterposed a good-sense notion of equality - one that embraces equal access to the means for achieving a flourishing life. This notion of equality is then used to explore a number of
currently circulating political ideas concerned with equality, both their relationship to common sense and their potential to meet good sense criteria. These ideas include universal basic income, the Conservatives' proposed 'levelling up' agenda, and the demands of Black Lives Matter for racial
justice, including the demand to 'defund the police'. A second thread is focused on the relationship between these discourses of common or good sense and the social forces with which they can be connected.

The paper's concern is the current difficulty, in journalism, the academy and politics, of discussing questions to do with race, ethnicity, difference and immigration because of the fear of being called a racist. It starts with an analysis of biographical interview data drawn from fifteen people who had variously acquired the label racist and who were part of a small-scale study into racism in the Midlands city of Stoke-on-Trent, UK conducted between 2003 and 2005. The interviews used the free association narrative interview method. This analysis revealed that most people do not consider themselves racist and that having a conviction for a racially aggravated offence or being a member of a far right organisation was not able to differentiate racists from non-racists. It also revealed a spectrum of attitudes towards immigrants or particular ethnic groups: strong expressions of hatred at one end of the spectrum; strong prejudicial feelings in the middle; and a feeling that 'outsider' groups should not benefit at the expense of 'insiders' (called 'othering') at the other end. The turn to theory for assistance revealed that, although hatred, prejudice and 'othering' are not the same thing, and do not have the same origins, they have become elided. This is primarily because cognitive psychology's hostility to psychoanalysis marginalised hatred whilst its exclusive preoccupation with prejudice came effectively to define racism at the individual level. Progress in thinking about racism might consist of abolishing the term and returning to thinking about hatred, prejudice and 'othering' separately.

The paper's concern is the current difficulty, in journalism, the academy and politics, of discussing questions to do with race, ethnicity, difference and immigration because of the fear of being called a racist. It starts with an analysis of biographical interview data drawn from fifteen people who had variously acquired the label racist and who were part of a small-scale study into racism in the Midlands city of Stoke-on-Trent, UK conducted between 2003 and 2005. The interviews used the free association narrative interview method. This analysis revealed that most people do not consider themselves racist and that having a conviction for a racially aggravated offence or being a member of a far right organisation was not able to differentiate racists from non-racists. It also revealed a spectrum of attitudes towards immigrants or particular ethnic groups: strong expressions of hatred at one end of the spectrum; strong prejudicial feelings in the middle; and a feeling that 'outsider' groups should not benefit at the expense of 'insiders' (called 'othering') at the other end. The turn to theory for assistance revealed that, although hatred, prejudice and 'othering' are not the same thing, and do not have the same origins, they have become elided. This is primarily because cognitive psychology's hostility to psychoanalysis marginalised hatred whilst its exclusive preoccupation with prejudice came effectively to define racism at the individual level. Progress in thinking about racism might consist of abolishing the term and returning to thinking about hatred, prejudice and 'othering' separately.

In this paper I use the case study of Darren, derived from two interviews in a research study of racism in the city of Stoke, UK (Gadd, Dixon and Jefferson 2005; Gadd and Dixon 2011), to explore how best to approach the topic of hate-motivated violence. This entails discussing the relationships among racism (the original object of study), hate-motivated violence (the more general term) and prejudices of various sorts. Because that discussion, I argue, justifies a psychoanalytic starting point, and since violence has become, almost quintessentially, masculine, this leads on to an exploration of what can be learnt from psychoanalysis about the relations among sexuality, masculinity, hatred and violence. This involves brief discussions of some key psychoanalytic terms, but only what is needed to enable sense to be made of my chosen case, which I shall then interrogate using these psychoanalytic ideas, focused on understanding the origins and nature of Darren's hatred.

If, as Anthony Elliot argues, `the [symbolic] law of the father triumphs over the loss of the maternal body' in the making of men, how is the masculine body possible? The answer would appear to be, on condition that it becomes implacably hard, disciplined, an object of work. On the other hand, excessive interest in the body, as in the case of bodybuilding, would appear also to betoken narcissism and femininity. Drawing on the notions of the `hard man', the significance of muscle, bodybuilding and the case of `Iron' Mike Tyson, this article attempts to come to grips with the complex and contradictory relations among desire, anxiety and the embodiment of masculinity. Specifically, this entails focusing on the deconstruction of discourses relating to muscle and `hardness', and on how identifications with such discourses are made and sustained.