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The paper deals with St Maximus? Ambiguum 14 in which this Byzantine
theologian interprets a paragraph from the famous First theological oration
of St Gregory the Theologian. By way of comparison, the Cappadocian states
that Eunomian theological discussions are misplaced in the same manner as
doing geometry would be in the time of mourning. Maximus faced a rather
difficult task of interpreting this odd comparison. In response to this
challenge, he offered several different interpretations, admitting that he
would be grateful to anyone who might offer a better solution of this
ambiguity. Some scholars who dealt with the text criticism of this very
oration did precisely this by suggesting that ?the geometry? (?????????)
represented a lapsus calami which replaced the original phrase ?the
immoderate laughter? (???? ???????), while others refused to accept their
proposal. Reflections are offered in conclusion on the authority present in
the patristic texts, both in case of Maximus as well as in the case of
contemporary patristic scholars.

This article discusses the historical changes in religious practices in Bosnia-Herzegovina from the communist era to the post-war period in line with their influence on identity and intergroup (inter-ethnic, inter-religious) relations. There is a lack of evidence on whether people did not overtly express their religious beliefs during communism even though they were covertly religious, or whether they started engaging in the religious practice during and after the 1992-1995 war in order to establish group connectedness, cohesion, and fulfill certain needs. "Bosnian identity" will be described as a puzzle formed by the "remains" of the previous regime and the "new additions" of the post-war period. The discourse of power dominates in Bosnia-Herzegovina and enables prohibitions of different types of dialogue that can lead to better understanding of differences and Other(s). The main problem that will be addressed in this article is the (non)existing Bosnian identity analyzed through "jouissance" of nationalism, intolerance and religion. The contradictions of Sigmund Freud's concept of identification, and the relation of that concept to the body and power in a post-war divided society will be discussed. We can conclude that the main discourse of power operates with religion in order to establish the "jigsaw puzzle of Bosnian identity". The presence of those who either live in a different system (yugonostalgic people, Homo Yugoslavicus), or those who do not believe (atheists) simply adds a new dimension to the currently established system which can be used to further explain if the overtly expressed beliefs will remain unchanged in case of the establishment of a new system.

Information technologies, free flow of information, free media & the right to communication are the pillars communicative sovereignty springs up from, relying upon them, too. This was a 20th century creation but it has been globally & more fully realised in the 21st century. Civilisational openness & acceptance ability are the key categories for prosperity of communicative sovereignty. References. Adapted from the source document.

Information technologies, free flow of information, free media and the right to communication are the pillars communicative sovereignty springs up from, relying upon them, too. This was the 20th century creation but it has been globally and more fully realized in the 21st century. Civilization openness and acceptance ability are the key categories for prosperity of communicative sovereignty.

The author describes historical & contemporary geopolitical position of the Black Sea region. Up to the present times the primary significance of the region has lain in its trade routes & other transit communications that connect Europe, the Middle East & Asia. Having such geografic position the region has been an interest sphere of great powers & regional states & conquerors. Today most of states of the Black Sea region are economically poor, have unstable political systems & burdened with constant & potential explosive problems. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes historical and contemporary geopolitical position of the Black Sea region. Up to the present times the primary significance of the region has lain in its trade routes and other transit communications that connect Europe, the Middle East and Asia. Having such geographic position the region has been an interest sphere of great powers and regional states and conquerors. Today most of states of the Black Sea region are economically poor, have unstable political systems and burdened with constant and potential explosive problems.

The changes in internal and external policies are under way in Turkey. The
secular state was threatened what has been followed by the process of
revitalization and affirmation of the Islamic tradition in Turkey. The state
project ?Turkey?s Strategic Vision 2023? has been worked out. It provides
increase in its power that would turn Turkey from a regional power into a
global factor. This requires radical changes in its foreign policy. Apart
from the Islamic factor, Turkey?s plans are based on the geopolitical
position of this country that sees itself as a hub of energy flows and the
future centre of the three continents - Africa, Asia, and Europe. One of the
steps towards those changes is the process of desecuritasion and
securitization that includes revitalization of the religious factor. Radical
changes in the Turkish foreign policy also include the Western Balkans as one
the priorities of its close surroundings.

Developing the state?s ability to project ?soft power? is becoming a
specialty of all major players in the international arena. it is an
integrative part of foreign policy with long-term goals and with its
cultural, ideological, political or humanitarian resources it offers an
attraction to the country towards which it is directed. There is a
theoretical agreement between American and Russian authors about the
potential contents of ?soft power?. The concept of ?soft power? given by
Professor Nye (Joseph Nye) was also accepted by Russian academics. However,
in the practice of ?soft power?, Russia is below the level of the USA, China
and the European Union, except in the sphere of humanitarian action.
Although humanitarian cooperation is implemented in a very broad scope, for
the purposes of this work, a narrower interpretation will be applied, which
implies immediate humanitarian aid, humanitarian operations and actions
carried out in situations of natural and man-made disasters, humanitarian
crises and armed conflicts. its uniqueness lies primarily in the specificity
of Russia?s national security system and the existence of the powerful
Ministry for Emergency Situations and Elimination of the Consequences of
Natural and Man-made Disasters, which offers a wide range capabilities for
the needs of international humanitarian cooperation. in the paper, the
Serbian-Russian humanitarian center will be shown in particular, as a good
example of humanitarian cooperation, but also a projection of the ?soft
power? of Russia.

The second half of the 20th century will be remembered as the period of the
biggest liberalisation in history in the area of international economic
relationships. Many factors served that fact. First of all, attempts to
eliminate circumstances which were the root cause of previous world wars.
Along with liberalisation of the trade processes, there was a process of
growth of public debt which significantly restricted public institution
activities. Due to lack of funds in the budget, countries were forced to
mortgage and pay a significant amount of money for the rates of interest.
Developing countries are especially in a very difficult position because they
are under constant pressure and are forced to accept unfavorable arrangements
in order to make their system work at all. The circumstances which were
mentioned are the hardest for the citizens, primarily due to the lack of
funds for the financing of the public sector. Because of the various
restrictions, the health system, education and public administration, have a
constant deficit and are not able to follow the needs of the local
population. Dysfunction of national institutions represents a security
problem par excellence.

In the last decade, the subject of sale, purchase or transit of natural gas between the countries in Europe has gained, in addition to the economic dimension, a much broader, and for some countries even more significant, geopolitical dimension. This is most evident based on the attitude of the United States and some European countries towards the projects for the construction of the Nord Stream 2, Turkish Stream and South Stream gas pipelines. By displaying a negative attitude towards these gas pipelines, the United States (with the support of some European countries) has formally emerged as a "protector of the energy interests of European countries" from Russian influence, i.e. Russian gas. Essentially, the United States is trying to slow down, reduce and suspend gas supplies from the Russian Federation (RF) to European countries, especially the most powerful ones (Germany, for example), and disguised by the need to "diversify gas supplies to European countries", thus reduce Russia's presence in Europe and quality of interstate relations. At the same time, the United States is trying to offer and sell its liquefied natural gas to European countries as an alternative to Russian gas, and to "fill in" the empty geopolitical space. The Russian Federation, on its behalf, instructed by the experiences from several "gas crises" with Ukraine, but also in accordance with its geopolitical interests, seeks (and has almost succeeded in doing so) to ensure the transport and sale of its gas by building new gas pipelines to Europe and improve relations with European countries. Other European countries, which need Russian gas, are trying to ensure energy security by participating in the construction of the gas pipeline, or by supporting the realization of that project. The fate of the gas pipeline and thus the possibility of gas distribution to individual states becomes a subject of interest (and conflict) of the great powers and their geopolitical interests.