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Cover -- Endorsement Page -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Contributors -- Introduction -- Part I Russia and Latin America: Defining the Area of Studies -- Chapter 1 Russia in Latin America: A Framework of Analysis -- Chapter 2 Soviet-Latin American Studies: The Academy as Politics -- Chapter 3 Contemporary Latin American Studies in Russia: Old and New Challenges -- Part II Soviet Legacy in Latin America -- Chapter 4 The Revolutionary Diplomacy in Latin America: The USSR and the Comintern, 1919-19411 -- Chapter 5 Russia and Mexico: Strong State and Revolution -- Chapter 6 Russia and Colombia: The Law against the Communist Threat in Latin America (1926-1982)1 -- Part III General Trends of Russian Engagement with Latin America -- Chapter 7 Russian Migration in Latin America -- Chapter 8 Russia and Latin America: Strategic Partnerships -- Chapter 9 Russian Arms Trade in Latin America -- Chapter 10 The United States and Russian Engagement in Latin America -- Part IV Bilateral Relations between Russia and Latin America -- Chapter 11 Russia and Venezuela: Russia's Gateway to Latin America -- Chapter 12 Cuba and Post-Soviet Russia: Challenges and Opportunities -- Chapter 13 Russia and Mexico: Politics and Trade -- Chapter 14 Post-Cold War Colombo-Russian Relations -- Chapter 15 Russian-Brazilian Relations since 1991: Meat, BRICS, and Vkontakte -- Chapter 16 Russia and Argentina: An Enduring Relationship -- Afterword -- Index.

En el presente artículo los autores investigan varios historias poco conocidas de la activad del comunista suizo Edgar Woog ("Alfred Stirner" (1898— 1973), sobre todo el papel desempeñado por este funcionario cominternista en el desarrollo de relaciones de la III Internacional con el revolucionario peruano Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre y el Partido Revolucionario Venezolano, asi como con el PCM durante el período de la formación y declive del alianza entre comunistas y el movimento campesino independiente. Al analizar estos epidodios, indican el carácter cambiante y "creative" de relaciones entre la III Internacional y sus secciones naciones latinoamericanas. Además, los autores prestan atención a la evolución de los punta de vista del revolucionario suizo acerca de los procesos sociopolíticos dentro de la izquierda latinoamericana.

En el presente artículo los autores investigan varios historias poco conocidas de la activad del comunista suizo Edgar Woog ("Alfred Stirner" (1898— 1973), sobre todo el papel desempeñado por este funcionario cominternista en el desarrollo de relaciones de la III Internacional con el revolucionario peruano Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre y el Partido Revolucionario Venezolano, asi como con el PCM durante el período de la formación y declive del alianza entre comunistas y el movimento campesino independiente. Al analizar estos epidodios, indican el carácter cambiante y "creative" de relaciones entre la III Internacional y sus secciones naciones latinoamericanas. Además, los autores prestan atención a la evolución de los punta de vista del revolucionario suizo acerca de los procesos sociopolíticos dentro de la izquierda latinoamericana. ; The authors are analyzing some little-known episodes of the activity of the Swiss Communist Edgar Woog ("Alfred Stirner" (1898-1973), especially the role of this Comintern's official in the development of the relations between the III International, the Peruvian revolutionary Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre and the Partido Revolucionario Venezolano, as also with the Mexican Communist Party within the period of formation and decline of the alliance between the communists and the independent peasants' movement. The authors show the changing and "creative" character of the relationship between the Comintern and its national sections in Latin America. Additionally, the authors make some research of the evolution of Stirner's points of view over the social and political processes within the Latin American Left-Wing movement.

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo hacer una historia de los primeros contactos y divergencias entre la Comintern y la izquierda argentina. Apoyándose sobre los documentos del Archivo de la Comintern, antes poco accesibles a los investigadores, los autores analizan la actividad de los emisarios enviados por la Comintern a Sudamérica en 1920-1921.

La historia del comunismo internacional y de varios Partidos Comunistas sigue siendo una gran laguna historiográfica a pesar de la apertura parcial de los archivos de la Internacional Comunista. Sobre todo, tiene que ver con la falta de información acerca de las actividades de varios militantes y dirigentes de la izquierda. El único PC gobernante en América Latina, el PC de Cuba, tampoco logró evitar este problema. Los autores del artículo pretenden trazar las líneas principales de la vida y actividades políticas del "Secretario General olvidado" que dirigía el PCC a inicios de los años 1930s, Jorge A. Vivó d'Escoto. Era, además, uno de los personajes claves del desarrollo de la izquierda centroamericana, colombiana y mexicana; y estos pormenores de su biografía también se revelan en el texto. El artículo se basa sobre cantidad enorme de los materiales de archivos rusos y mexicanos. ; Despite of the partial opening of the archives of the Communist International, there are still many white spots in history of international communism and of a number of national Communist Parties. This is due to the fact that information about the activities of many militants and leaders of the left-wing groups and parties is not readily available to the general public. The Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), the only ruling communist party in Latin America, did not manage to avoid this problem either. The paper intents to narrow the gap by revealing some of the main events in the life and political activities of Jorge A. Vivó d'Escoto , a "forgotten Secretary-General" who was at the top of PCC in the beginning of the 1930s. The paper also describes his role in the development of Central American, Colombian, and Mexican left-wing parties. The article is based on the analysis of a vast quantity of primary sources from Russian and Mexican archives

This important volume collects the proceedings of the First Latin American Communist Conference, organized in Buenos Aires, Argentina in June 1929 by the South American Secretariat of the Moscow-based Communist International (Comintern). The Conference was the first and in some ways only opportunity that communists in Latin America had to engage in a broad discussion of the most important problems and challenges that they faced. The topics that the assembled delegates addressed-including militarism, anti-imperialism, trade union issues, and racial discrimination-were all central to the question of how to organise a strong revolutionary movement.This major documentary collection of the Latin American Communist movement, newly translated into English and with a substantial introduction, remains surprisingly relevant to our world today.With an introduction by Victor Jeifets and Lazar Jeifets

Abstract
After neglecting Latin America for over a decade, Russia has recently displayed pronounced interest in expanding its presence in the region. This article aims to examine Russia's contemporary foreign policy towards Latin America and to define whether Moscow's new strategy is a continuation of the former Soviet presence in the region or whether Russia has introduced some new elements. After identifying the motives behind Moscow's renewed interest, the authors analyse the issue with a focus on diplomatic, economic and military activities. The article concludes that despite the tangible progress, there are still many limitations, including conceptual ones. Moreover, Moscow faces keen political and economic competition in the region, from actors old – such as the United States – and new – such as China.

Introduction. The article examines the Comintern "trace" in the formation of modern "Bolivarian socialism", proclaimed by the leaders of Venezuela at the beginning of the 21st century. Communist postulates (in the Comintern perception) were, certainly, not the only source of the formation of the ideology of the ruling Socialist United Party of Venezuela. At the same time, a number of the postulates were formulated back in the 1920s by activists of the Venezuelan Revolutionary Party (later they became members of the country's Communist Party) and the Socialist Party of Ecuador. A number of similar concepts were the subject of discussions between the leadership of the Comintern and the Peruvian People's Revolutionary Alliance and were also debated during one of the congress of the Communist International. Another important aspect explored by the authors is the analogy between the processes of the formation of a united left party in Venezuela in the 1930s and in the 2000s (as a comparative example, the pattern of creating a united revolutionary party within the framework of the Castro revolution in Cuba was also used). Methods and materials. The study uses a set of methods of analysis adopted in historical and political science, namely documentary analysis, systemic and comparative analysis. Analysis and Results. The cases presented in the article prove that Socialism of the 21st century is not the exclusive creation of Hugo Chavez, but is closely related to ideological discussions in the international left-wing movement of the first half of the 20th century. The article is based primarily on archival documents, which allowed the authors to show little-known pages in the history of Latin American left-wing parties. Authors' contribution. V.L. Jeifets and L.S. Jeifets made joint analysis of the archival documents, carried out the study of historiography, and developed the theoretical framework of the research. The conclusions also are the product of joint work.

This article analyzes the recent evolution of Brazilian-Russian relations, with an emphasis on their interaction within the BRICS group. The authors claim that beyond the changes and un- certainties in global world order throughout the second decade of the 21st century, the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy, following the internal political conjectures in Brasilia, impacted not only the bilateral relations with Moscow, but also affected qualitatively its participation in the informal grouping. Political turmoil started in the South American nation in 2013 and the eventual impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016 clearly marked a fundamental change in Brazil's global orientation. Brazil abandoned its autonomist and soft revisionist stance on global affairs that characterized the Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) presidencies, and embraced a pro-US perspective, which became even more pronounced after the rise of Jair Bolsonaro in 2019. The article also addresses some prospects on possible paths of cooperation between Brasilia and Moscow in the near future and implications for neighboring countries, especially Argentina and Venezuela (the Venezuelan crisis as a factor of BRICS development is also considered).

Intro -- Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction: From the National to the Transnational -- The National and the International in Latin American Communism -- Part I: Bolshevism and the Americas (1917-1943) -- 1. The Comintern, the Communist Party of Mexico, and the "Sandino Case": The History of a Failed Alliance, 1927-1930 -- The Beginnings of the Pro-Sandinista Campaign -- The Formation of the MAFUENIC and Its First Tasks -- The Mexican Government Speaks Out -- The Crisis and Rupture of Relations between the PCM and Sandino -- Final Considerations -- 2. Black Caribbean Migrants and the Labor Movement and Communists in the Greater Caribbean in the 1920s and 1930s -- Communists and the Negro Question in the United States -- The African Blood Brotherhood -- Communists and Antillanos in Panama and Costa Rica -- Antillanos in Costa Rica -- The 1934 Banana Workers' Strike and West Indians -- The Comintern, CPUSA, and Caribbean Bureau -- El Mundo Obrero and the Negro Question -- 3. The "Negro Question" in Cuba, 1928-1936 -- The Negro Question in Cuba -- Defense of the Scottsboro Nine -- The "Faja Negra" -- Defense of Antillano Workers -- Dawn of the Popular Front -- Conclusion -- 4. Semicolonials and Soviets: Latin American Communists in the USSR, 1927-1936 -- Visitors to the Future -- Classifying Latin America -- Dilemmas of the Third Period -- A "Forge for Cadres"? -- The Hair's-Breadth Universe -- Conclusion -- 5. A Relationship Forged in Exile: Luís Carlos Prestes and the Brazilian Communist Party, 1927-1935 -- New Paths in the 1920s -- The May Manifesto -- The Knight of Hope in Moscow -- The Seventh World Congress, the ANL, and the 1935 Revolt -- Conclusion: Imprisoned but on the Rise.

This review article has resulted from the discussion during the roundtable of the editors-in-chief of the international relations (IR) journals, convened by Saint Petersburg State University as part of the Congress of the IR students (November, 2022). As a result of the discussion, the participants agreed that Russian journals have passed a serious way of positioning at the international level, which is proved by the statistics of indexing journals in well-known databases. The sharp transformation of the international system is only just beginning to affect the publication activity of foreign authors and the promotion of domestic publications in the ratings. At this historical stage, Russian journals in the field of international relations are at a crossroads between full nationalization and functioning in the realities of fragmented globalization. In addition, the most important challenge that scientific journals will face is the changing market for scientific publications due to the emergence of new technologies, including the increasing use of "artificial intelligence". The distribution of new software products allows not only to search for data for the implementation of scientific expertise, but also creates conditions for the rapid preparation of manuscripts of various volumes. This will lead to a dramatic increase in the number of scientific publications. The journals will have to be ready to create flexible publication models and verify the validity of scientific information.

El artículo analiza las relaciones entre el movimiento campesino mexicano, elPartido Comunista y la Internacional Comunista durante los años veinte. Semuestra cómo la política de "frente único" posibilitó la alianza entre agraristasy comunistas en México, misma que colapsó por factores externos (el giro a laizquierda de la Comintern y su política de "clase contra clase") como internos(la represión del gobierno mexicano contra los comunistas y la asimilación delmovimiento campesino a las estructuras oficiales).Palabras clave: Partido Comunista de México, Internacional Comunista, Liga Nacional Campesina, Agrarismo radical, Movimiento campesino, Krestintern.The article analyzes the relationship between the Mexican peasant movement,the Communist Party and the Communist International during the twenties.We show how the policy of "united front" enabled the alliance betweenagrarians and communists in Mexico, which collapsed by external factors (theleft turn of the Comintern and its policy of "class against class") and internal(Mexican government repression against the communists and the assimilationof the peasant movement to official structures).Keywords: Communist Party of Mexico, Communist International, NationalPeasant League, Radical Agrarianism, Peasant Movement, Krestintern