1. English, the lingua franca of the global academy -- 2. The spread of English as a lingua franca -- 3. ELFA and other approaches to academic English -- 4. Researching English language policies and practices in international universities -- 5. How international universities orient to English on their websites -- 6. Staff perspectives on their universities' English language policies and practices -- 7. Conversations with international students.
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Despite a succession of scholarly studies over the years, the relationship between Reza Shah's Iran and National Socialist Germany has not been fully explored. Rather than focusing on the supposed Aryan ideological sympathies that bound the two countries together, this article argues that the real driver of the German–Iranian relationship in the 1930s was economic and based in the mutual interaction of state economic initiatives. It states that Iran's place in Nazism's economic system was the outcome of two factors: the "New Plan" of Reich Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht, and its focus on clearing agreements as a motor for depression-era trade, and the connections of Schacht's system to Reza Shah's strategy to modernize Iran. In exploring this issue the article focuses on relations between Germany and Iran during three distinct moments: first, the period from 1918 to 1928 and the working out of a new relationship after the First World War; secondly the period of Schacht's New Plan in Iran in the mid-1930s; and finally the period from the signing of the Nazi-Soviet Pact in 1939 to the British–Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. During this last period Iran both belonged to the Nazi–Soviet trade zone created by the Pact and attempted to defend its neutrality.
In the autumn of 1914 the German Foreign Office launched a sweeping programme of global insurrection, which created networks of agents and information reaching from Berlin to Tehran, Calcutta and San Francisco. Yet Germany's pioneering role in instigating 'revolutionary subversion' during the First World War has to date not been fully explored. In Germany's Aims in the First World War, Fritz Fischer placed insurrection at the centre of his study of war aims and strategies, yet what he called the 'revolution programme' was quickly sidelined as a topic during the early years of the Fischer controversy. This article explores this absence. It analyses the historiographical place of the revolution programme in the Fischer controversy and argues for a general re-evaluation of Fischer's work in order to raise questions about how Germany's Aims could contribute to a 'global turn' in the exploration of German actions in the First World War.
This article analyzes the work of the German archaeologist Ernst Herzfeld (1879–1948) and its influence on the writing of Iranian national history in the 1920s and 1930s. Herzfeld's life and work illuminates the relationship between Germany and Iran and between orientalist scholarship and nationalist history in the first half of the twentieth century. Through the method of what he called "archaeological history," Herzfeld wrote an interdisciplinary history of Iran and its Aryan foundations that contested the assumptions of decades of European orientalist scholarship.
For Ludwig Erhard, West Germany's "legendary" Minister of Economics, mass consumption played a vital role in the country's postwar recovery. Consumer goods, as he stated in 1949, were the "very foundation of our entire economic, social, and national being" (p. 183). In The Authority of Everyday Objects, Paul Betts explores the centrality of mass consumption to West Germany's postwar history, analyzing how industrial design was called upon to create a sense of national identity following the war. Works from several scholars—Erica Carter, Michael Wildt, Kathy Pence, Uta Poiger, Jonathan Wiesen, and others—have explored the centrality of the national economy and mass consumption to postwar reconstruction. To these works, Betts adds a specific emphasis on design. As he states at the start of his study, consumer goods were to have a particular look, and design was given a powerful place in West German society. It became the chosen terrain for creating a revived sense of national identity following the disasters of dictatorship, war, and genocide. In the postwar period, an "elective affinity" was forged between "industrial design and the rehabilitation of the 'good German'" (p. 1), he writes. In six chapters, he explores in absorbing detail how industrial design, with its single-minded mission to turn "mere" commodities into "cultural objects" (Kulturgüter), was invested with political meaning in postwar West Germany. The new world of consumer goods, supported by official discourses on the social importance of "good design," both rehabilitated West Germany's image internationally and exhibited a desirable vision of consumer citizenship to domestic audiences.
