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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- I. A New View of Hate-Motivated Violence -- 1 Introduction -- The Social Problem of Hate-Motivated Violence -- Social Problems and Victimization -- Social Movements and Collective Action Frames -- New Institutionalism and the Diffusion of Cultural Forms -- Empirical Focus and Data Collection -- Method of Analysis -- Overview of the Book -- 2 New Discourse on Violence and the Production of Hate Crimes -- A History of Violence -- The Convergence of New Social Movements -- SMOs and Newfound Attention to an Old Problem -- The Politics of Violence and Attendant Legal Transformations -- The Extension of Victim Status to Multiple Constitutences -- II. Violence Against Gays and Lesbians -- 3 Discovering and Expanding the Domain -- Antigay and Lesbian Violence -- The Establishment of Gay- and Lesbian-Sponsored Antiviolence Projects -- Coalition-Building around Intolerance -- Discovering and Documenting Violence -- Publicizing and Epidemic of Antigay and Lesbian Violence -- Expanding the Domain of the Problem -- 4 Framing the Problem -- Data Collection and Beyond -- Crisis Intervention and Victim Assistance -- A New Form of Sexual Terrorism -- Educational Campaigns -- Street Patrols -- The Missing Gender -- Domain Expansion and Framing -- III. Violence Against Women -- 5 Contemporary Antiviolence Against Women Campaigns -- The Feminist Movement's Historic Focus on Violence -- Defining the Organizational Field -- State Coalitions -- National Organizations -- The Institutionalization of Structured Lines of Communication -- Setting the Stage for Innovation and Diffusion of Cultural Forms -- 6 Innovation and Diffusion of the Violence Against Women Act -- Innovation and Diffusion of Cultural Forms -- Violence Against Women, Feminism, and the Law

"The welfare system in the United Kingdom is broken. The number of claims has escalated and so, in consequence, have welfare expenditures. The social system does not encourage welfare recipients to become independent. Half the population of the United Kingdom lives in households drawing one of the major means-tested benefits. Research documents that means-tests paralyze self-help, discourage self--im-provement, and tax honesty while at the same time rewarding claimants for being either inactive or -deceitful. In Making Welfare Work, Frank Field challenges the current political orthodoxy, particularly its emphasis on the role of legislation alone in bringing about social improvement in a welfare state. Field argues that the impact legislation has on personal character is pivotal to human advance in a welfare state. Welfare reconstruction needs to address and channel the differing roles of self-interest, self-improvement, and altruism, which are among the great driving forces in human character. A successful welfare state must reinforce these important forces which influence our nature because to create an imbalance between these three motive forces will always undermine welfare's objectives. Field discusses in detail aspects of modern British society in dire need of change. These include the drug trade, benefit traps, permanent adolescence, the rise of part-time work, inequality in incomes, excluding the disabled, single parents, and the very elderly, for example. This clearly delineated, well-researched blueprint for success will be important reading for politicians and policymakers in all industrialized nations. Its author is well-positioned to revise and review the welfare policies of democratic -societies."--Provided by publisher.

Contents -- About the Authors -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1. Introduction: The Hate Crime Agenda -- Chapter 2. The Emergence of an Anti-Hate-Crime Movement and the Construction of an Epidemic of Violence -- Chapter 3. Social Movement Mobilization, Categorization Processes, and Meaning Making in Federal Hate Crime Law -- Chapter 4. Diffusion Processes and the Evolution of State Hate Crime Law -- Chapter 5. Judicial Decision Making and the Changing Meaning of Hate Crime -- Chapter 6. Law Enforcement Responses: Policing and Prosecuting Hate Crime

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Tables and Diagrams -- Acknowledgements -- About the Contributors -- Introduction to the Transaction Edition -- The Fivefold Agenda -- The Causes of Welfare Expenditure -- Welfare and Behaviour -- Contract Welfare -- Universalism: The Goal -- Welfare and Democracy -- Joined Up Policy -- How to Pay for the Future -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: The New Barbarism -- Ghetto Politics -- The Disinherited Male -- Destroying Self-Respect and Self-Improvement -- The New Male -- Permanent Adolescence -- Cutting the Supply Routes -- The Drug Trade -- Inner City Apartheid -- Outside the Ghetto -- Policy Conclusions -- Chapter 2: The Winter of Our Discontent -- Voters' Dismay -- The Poor's Response -- Politicians' Dismay -- Policy Conclusions -- Chapter 3: The Flawed Vision -- Welfare's Fault-Lines -- Poverty Studies -- Beveridge's Second Coming -- First Thoughts -- Excluding Women -- Excluding the Disabled -- Renting a Failure -- Extending the Fault-Lines -- Government Cuts -- The White Paper Chase -- Yet More Cuts -- Policy Conclusions -- Chapter 4: Minimum Income Levels -- A National Minimum -- Charles Booth -- Seebohm Rowntree -- The Poverty Line's Political Impact -- From Theory to Practice -- The Beveridge Report -- Policy Conclusions -- Chapter 5: Social Insecurity -- Who Is Getting What? -- Single Parents and Poverty -- Poverty's Younger Face -- Poor Law Revival -- Half the Population on Means Tests -- Cheating the Taxpayer -- Policy Conclusions -- Chapter 6: The Disintegrating Socio-Economic Landscape -- Today's Uncertain World -- Revolution in the Job Market -- The Rise and Rise of Part-Time Work -- The Disinherited Male -- The Pay Revolution -- Inequality in Incomes -- The Impact of Tax Changes -- The Rise and Rise of Single Parents -- Fraud

Organizing scholarship both chronologically and thematically, this article provides a review and critical evaluation of the literature that examines factors influencing criminalization. The first part of the paper examines three streams of inquiry and theorizing: (a) classic work that has shaped decades of scholarship on criminalization by focusing on the relationship between demographic changes, material and symbolic politics, and the emergence of criminal law; (b) contemporary work that unpacks the nature of the relationship between organizational, social movement, and state-related factors that structure and mediate the outcome of definitional and political processes involved in efforts to criminalize elements of social life; and (c) more recent work that envisions criminalization as a social process intimately connected to, and indeed arguably derivative of, larger processes of institutionalization, globalization, and modernization. The discussion and conclusion section summarizes the consequences of these three streams of inquiry and theorizing for our collective understanding of the structures and processes that underlie criminalization. Thereafter, the article concludes with a proposed agenda for subsequent research on criminalization and related topics.

Provides an overview of the status of gender in US hate crime policy. Discussion opens with a look at the concept of hate crime, highlighting its 1970s discursive emergence & three highly publicized cases during the late 1990s. How gender has & has not figured into institutionalized legal response to bias-motivated violence is then examined in terms of the parameters of hate crime law in general, content of state & federal hate crime law, & enforcement of gender provisions in hate crime law. Gender is seen as sort of second-class in the US social, political, & legal discourse. The inclusion/exclusion of gender in hate crime law raises the larger issue of how to resolve the dilemma of difference in policy & law making; this is taken up in closing, arguing that the inclusion of gender in hate crime policy allows the "sameness-difference" debate to be solved in a manner that treats (1) females as simultaneously a special category of crime victim & the same as other hate crime victims & (2) perpetrators of gender-based crime as simultaneously a special category of offender & the same as other types of bias-motivated offenders. 4 Figures. J. Zendejas

Nearly six years after two women were bound and gagged and had their throats slit while camping and hiking in Shenandoah National Park, U.S. Attorney General John D. Ashcroft held a historic nationally televised press conferenceon April 11, 2002 to announce that the U.S. Justice Department invoked the federal hate crimes statute for the first time to charge the alleged murderer with hate crime. In announcing the indictment, Ashcroft spoke at length about his meeting with the parents of the victims and about the lives and characters of the young women: two Midwesterners who migrated to New England, met and became lovers, and shared the love of science and the outdoors. Justifying the invocation of federal hate crime law, which carries with it enhanced penalties, Ashcroft said, "Criminal acts of hate run counter to what is best in America, our belief in equality and freedom. The Department of Justice will aggressively investigate, prosecute, and punish criminal acts of violence and vigilantism motivated by hate and intolerance."1 Moreover, he said, "We will pursue, prosecute, and punish those who attack law-abiding Americans out of hatred for who they are," and "Hatred is the enemy of justice, regardless of its source."2

Having gained unique access to California prisoners and corrections officials and to thousands of prisoners' written grievances and institutional responses, Kitty Calavita and Valerie Jenness take us inside one of the most significant, yet largely invisible, institutions in the United States. Drawing on sometimes startlingly candid interviews with prisoners and prison staff, as well as on official records, the authors walk us through the byzantine grievance process, which begins with prisoners filing claims and ends after four levels of review, with corrections officials usually denying reques

Stefan Vogler and Valerie Jenness on community views toward cops.