Suchergebnisse

Subjectivity is a common problem in both philosophy and psychoanalysis. In this article, through analysis of the respective thoughts of Kant and Freud, it will be discovered that Kant's critical philosophy and Freud's psychoanalysis have a possibility of dialogue in the restriction of subject, and the basis of this possibility is the finite subjectivism. This positive dialogue between critical philosophy and psychoanalysis will have some theoretical significance for both in dealing with scientism.

The purpose of the work is to identify the connotation, features of computational propaganda and reveal how computational propaganda uses new technologies to manipulate public opinion.
The study's hypothesis is the assumption that computational propaganda, as a new type of propaganda and manipulation of public opinion spawned in the era of artificial intelligence, stealthily and massively steers public opinion using new technologies to influence political and social processes.
With the scientific methods such as event analysis and case-study, the work concludes that more and more governments, political parties, and strategic communication companies use social media as the digital platform, Internet bots as the automated executors, and algorithms as the computational technical guarantee, by participating in, guiding and creating controversial topics and events, to manipulate public opinion and win international competitions, policy debates, elections, etc.

The purpose of the work is to identify the connotation, features of computational propaganda and reveal how computational propaganda uses new technologies to manipulate public opinion. The study's hypothesis is the assumption that computational propaganda, as a new type of propaganda and manipulation of public opinion spawned in the era of artificial intelligence, stealthily and massively steers public opinion using new technologies to influence political and social processes. With the scientific methods such as event analysis and case-study, the work concludes that more and more governments, political parties, and strategic communication companies use social media as the digital platform, Internet bots as the automated executors, and algorithms as the computational technical guarantee, by participating in, guiding and creating controversial topics and events, to manipulate public opinion and win international competitions, policy debates, elections, etc. ; Celem pracy jest zidentyfikowanie konotacji, cech propagandy obliczeniowej oraz ujawnienie, w jaki sposób propaganda obliczeniowa wykorzystuje nowe technologie do manipulowania opinią publiczną. Hipotezą badania jest założenie, że propaganda obliczeniowa, jako nowy rodzaj propagandy i manipulacji opinią publiczną, zrodzony w erze sztucznej inteligencji, potajemnie i masowo steruje opinią publiczną za pomocą nowych technologii, aby wpływać na procesy polityczne i społeczne.

The purpose of the work is to identify the connotation, features of computational propaganda and reveal how computational propaganda uses new technologies to manipulate public opinion. The study's hypothesis is the assumption that computational propaganda, as a new type of propaganda and manipulation of public opinion spawned in the era of artificial intelligence, stealthily and massively steers public opinion using new technologies to influence political and social processes. With the scientific methods such as event analysis and case-study, the work concludes that more and more governments, political parties, and strategic communication companies use social media as the digital platform, Internet bots as the automated executors, and algorithms as the computational technical guarantee, by participating in, guiding and creating controversial topics and events, to manipulate public opinion and win international competitions, policy debates, elections, etc. ; Celem pracy jest zidentyfikowanie konotacji, cech propagandy obliczeniowej oraz ujawnienie, w jaki sposób propaganda obliczeniowa wykorzystuje nowe technologie do manipulowania opinią publiczną. Hipotezą badania jest założenie, że propaganda obliczeniowa, jako nowy rodzaj propagandy i manipulacji opinią publiczną, zrodzony w erze sztucznej inteligencji, potajemnie i masowo steruje opinią publiczną za pomocą nowych technologii, aby wpływać na procesy polityczne i społeczne. ; 2 ; 63 ; 77 ; Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

This book explains why the Korean welfare state is underdeveloped despite successful industrialization, democratization, a militant labor movement, and a centralized meritocracy. Unlike most social science books on Korea, which tend to focus on its developmental state and past years' rapid economic development, this book deals with social welfare issues and politics during the critical junctures in Korea's history: industrialization in the 1960–70s, the democratization and labor movement in the mid-1980s, globalization and the financial crisis in the 1990s and the 'wind of free welfare' in the 2010s. It highlights the self-interested activities of Korea's militant enterprise unionism at variance with those of a more solidaristic industrial unionism in the European welfare states. Korean big business, the chaebol, accommodated the unions' call for higher wages and more corporate welfare, which removed practical incentives for unions to demand social welfare. Korea's single-member-district electoral rules also induce politicians to sell geographically targeted, narrow benefits rather than public welfare for all.

Since South Korea made a historic social pact in 1998 amid the Asian financial crisis, a newly established presidential committee, the Korea Tripartite Commission, has become a center of social concertation. The Korean case signifies the need to complement the theory of social concertation with a new set of hypotheses concerning structural factors, with particular attention to industrial structure and the mode of labor movement.

There is significant variance in the strategies
of labor market flexibility under the same
pressure of globalization. This article attempts
to explain that variance by examining closely the
Korean case, with particular attention to the
response of labor, one of the most intractable
actors in the reform process. After theorizing the
nature of social welfare as a quasi-collective
good and hypothesizing labor's responses based on
Olson's theory of collective action, the study
seeks to explain Korea's low commitment to
flexicurity and the resultant dualism in the labor
market. The core argument here is that the
collective action problem among atomized corporate
unions has led to high employment protection for
regular workers in big business at the expense of
marginal workers without appropriate social
protection.