Suchergebnisse

The world is being transformed by expansion of the Internet of Things (IoT). The security challenges that go with this expansion require confronting the transnational character of these evolving technological ecosystems. Distrust of China and its ever-more pervasive presence in the transnational IoT is driving US efforts to diversify digital technology supply chains away from China, and to limit China's presence in global digital connections. But these efforts are unlikely to shift the established trend among East and Southeast Asian countries towards deepening integration with China. The cyber-physical nature of IoT ecosystems reinforces China's advantages as a global manufacturing hub. And the complex features of these supply chains generate inertia against relocating them to politically trusted jurisdictions ("re-shoring" or "friend-shoring"). This is illustrated through case studies of the automotive sector's transition towards electric and intelligent connected vehicles, and the expansion of "smart city" ecosystems. Exposure through these ecosystems to Chinese actors and therefore Chinese state power will increasingly become the price of access to the wider regional economy, even as US pressure to align against China grows. As powerful governments set the "terms of engagement" for participating in transnational technological ecosystems, "technology takers" will be disadvantaged. In response, Australia will need to build up its own technological capacities and find innovative ways to manage, rather than avoid, the risks implied by rising digital connections with China.

The public rhetoric of the Abbott government suggests that Australia is presently comfortable with Indonesia's rise, with the prime minister commenting in positive terms that "Indonesia is an incredibly important country to Australia given its proximity, its size and its potential." In recent times, Abbott has welcomed the "wave of confidence and renewal sweeping Indonesia" with the hope that the country under Joko Widodo whom Abbott praised as a "charismatic and inspirational figure" will allow Australia "opportunities to take part in the renewal and the reinvigoration of this important neighbour and partner." Such comfort stems in part from the relatively smooth and bloodless transfer of power from Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) to Jokowi despite the protestations of the defeated presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto – signalling that Indonesia has become a significantly different country to what it was under Sukarno. Even so, Australia is well aware that Indonesia's democratic transition is far from irreversible or permanent and that the future political direction of Indonesia is not assured or set in stone. In reality, Australia's current comfort with Indonesia's rise is also largely based on Canberra's assessment that the preferred 'Goldilocks' point has been reached for the foreseeable future – that Indonesia is neither too strong to threaten Australia's strategic interests nor too weak or divided a country to pose headaches for Canberra.

Philippinen: Staatliches Gedenken ist mächtig. Unser Autor wirft einen kritischen Blick auf die Philippinen unter Präsident Duterte und die Quincentennial Commemorations 2021.

Abstract
Negotiated settlements of civil wars are challenging since incompatibilities take a long time to resolve. Many scholars have approached this puzzle by identifying information asymmetry and commitment problems as critical deterrents to resolution. Similarly, this article argues that third-party mediation could improve or worsen the parties' credible commitment problems, as illustrated in the Mindanao peace process mediation that spanned almost four decades. Following a contingency framework in analyzing third-party mediation, this article analyzes existing reports, statements, and peace process agreements using a process tracing methodology. The article argues that the success of a peace process could be attributed to how mediation resolves the parties' credible commitment problems, which are evident in three aspects of the peace process: getting the parties to negotiate, the use of mediator leverage, and the promise of third-party monitoring and enforcement.

This article analyzes the visual depiction of women in the Tribune, the main propaganda newspaper of Japan in the Philippines during the Pacific War. Japanese wartime propaganda painted an image of a productive and cooperative Filipina, respectable and modest like her Japanese counterpart. The analysis reveals three motivations for depicting women in said light: to show a semblance of normalcy despite the turbulent war, to entice women to serve Japan's aims, and to disprove the Japanese women's image as subservient wives or entertainers while asserting the connection between the two countries. Analyzing the depiction of women in Japanese propaganda contributes to the understanding of war as a gendered phenomenon. Beyond seeing women as symbols of the private obligations for which men fight or as surrogate objects of sexual desire, the image of women was perceived to be instrumental in showcasing Japan's New Order.

Southeast Asia has been a hotbed of intractable civil conflicts motivated by several issues such as ethnicity, ideology, and historical injustice, among others. Despite the intractability, there have been instances when third-party assistance through mediation has been vital in achieving peace agreements in the region. Using the cases of the third-party mediation of the conflicts in Aceh, Indonesia and Mindanao, Philippines, this research identified the kinds of mediation and qualities of mediators that led to the achievement of peace agreements in these two cases. This research mainly focused on path dependence, critical junctures, and periodization approaches in the comparative analysis of Aceh and Mindanao third-party mediation through a qualitative examination that involved comparative process tracing (CPT), a two-step methodological approach that combines theory, chronology, and comparison. The results showed that the mediators instrumental to the Aceh and Mindanao peace agreements allayed the commitment issues of the negotiations and ensured the trust and confidence of the conflict parties. Thus, mediators should create relations of trust among parties and a mediation environment where the commitment fears are relieved through the promise of third-party monitoring.

Southeast Asia has been a hotbed of intractable civil conflicts motivated by several issues such as ethnicity, ideology, and historical injustice, among others. Despite the intractability, there have been instances when third-party assistance through mediation has been vital in achieving peace agreements in the region. Using the cases of the third-party mediation of the conflicts in Aceh, Indonesia and Mindanao, Philippines, this research identified the kinds of mediation and qualities of mediators that led to the achievement of peace agreements in these two cases. This research mainly focused on path dependence, critical junctures, and periodization approaches in the comparative analysis of Aceh and Mindanao third-party mediation through a qualitative examination that involved comparative process tracing (CPT), a two-step methodological approach that combines theory, chronology, and comparison. The results showed that the mediators instrumental to the Aceh and Mindanao peace agreements allayed the commitment issues of the negotiations and ensured the trust and confidence of the conflict parties. Thus, mediators should create relations of trust among parties and a mediation environment where the commitment fears are relieved through the promise of third-party monitoring.

A common misconception of the ante-bellum South is that the churches were no more than reflections of the values & instit's in secular society. An investigation of Southern Baptist periodicals, convention records as well as sources in Negro history reveals that the white Baptists were not merely passive imitators of their secular culture. Rather, the region's largest church body played an important part in originating those patterns in race relations that became instit'ized in the 19th cent US. It was the evangelical initiative of whites that made the Baptist faith predominant among the blacks early in the cent. The mass conversion of slaves led white Baptists to devise a systematic pattern of racial separation in religion, thus insuring that Christian brotherhood would not be the occasion for any kind of soc equality. Separation became the ruling consideration in church life. Biracial churches consistently discriminated between the races. Whites increasingly came to prefer a separate religious life altogether for the enslaved. The ante-bellum experience prepared the way for the complete withdrawal of the Negroes immediately after emancipation. Viewed historically, separation was not without its benefits. It offered important opportunities, not otherwise available, for an oppressed people to make advancements in the direction of their own affairs. AA.