Search results

There is now a palpable sense of optimism about the role of cities and transnational city-networks in global climate governance. Yet, amidst the euphoria, there is also a sense that the power that has been ascribed to - and frequently assumed by - cities has been overstated; that the power of cities and city-networks to make a difference in global climate politics is not what it appears. This book explores the implications of city-engagement in global climate politics, outlining a theoretical framework that can be used to understand the power of cities in relation to transnational city-networks, multinational corporations and nation-states. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of transnational governance, global environmental politics and climate change.--

There is now a palpable sense of optimism about the role of cities and transnational city-networks in global climate governance. Yet, amidst the euphoria, there is also a sense that the power that has been ascribed to - and frequently assumed by - cities has been overstated; that the power of cities and city-networks to make a difference in global climate politics is not what it appears. This book explores the implications of city-engagement in global climate politics, outlining a theoretical framework that can be used to understand the power of cities in relation to transnational city-networks, multinational corporations and nation-states. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of transnational governance, global environmental politics and climate change.

Tracing the historical and intellectual origins of post-development, Arresting Development, explores the impact of post-development theorizing on the study of international development and it compares across ""cultures"" of theory, methodology and practice to achieve universal understandings about values, identity and development.

AbstractFormally established by the Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in 2013, the Loss and Damage Mechanism represents what is for many an important effort on the part of developing countries (including China and the G77) to hold polluting countries to account for past and potential harms incurred as a result of climate change. This paper explores the viability of using the Mechanism as a means of holding polluting countries to account for the provisions outlined in the Framework Convention. In reviewing the history and recent policy within the UNFCCC, the paper makes the case that demands for greater accountability through the Loss and Damage Mechanism have been frustrated by a lack of consensus about the rights of poor countries to pursue carbon‐intensive development pathways, the obligations of current and future generations to the actions and decisions of their forebears, and the obligations of national governments to their own citizens and the UNFCCC. Instead of assigning responsibility for past and future losses and damages, the Mechanism has gravitated toward a more technocratic/bureaucratic exercise aimed at collecting data, enhancing knowledge, and making policy recommendations.

It has been argued, based upon national polling and mid-term election results, that Britain's Liberal Democrats will lose a substantial number of seats at the next general election. However, such argument is in danger of underestimating the unique importance of strong local party organisation and incumbency to the Liberal Democrats as a platform for subsequent general electoral success. This article examines the changing income, expenditure and membership of the party's strongest local constituency associations since 2010, and concludes with a short assessment of the possible implications for the Liberal Democrats at the next election and beyond.