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Donors increasingly value the work of statistics, project assessment and related offices in developing countries, but can they ensure these offices are able to do their work? This article assesses donors' efforts to do so in Senegal's ministries of finance, health and agriculture in the mid‐2000s. It contends that donors' impact is greatest if they generate political incentives for governments to create 'pockets of effectiveness' in these areas. The health and agriculture case studies indicate that direct donor involvement, particularly if incompatible with domestic political forces, produces disappointing results, while the finance case studies suggest donors can induce political support for the work of specific offices if donor incentives coincide with domestic political imperatives.

ABSTRACTOver the last two decades, developing countries have lowered trade barriers considerably. As a result, they have experienced a surge in food commodity imports. In Ghana, Senegal and Cameroon, a flood of frozen poultry imports in the late 1990s and early 2000s threatened domestic poultry producers. In response, they organised to demand protectionist measures. This article examines why the Cameroonian and Senegalese governments responded to these demands while the Ghanaian government did not. Employing data from interviews in Senegal, newspaper coverage in all three countries, and documentation from non-governmental organisations, it argues that Cameroonian, and to a lesser extent Senegalese, producers were able to influence government policy because they faced few barriers to collective action and built alliances with consumers before lobbying government. The findings suggest that a public choice, interest group-focused approach is still useful for explaining policy outcomes in West Africa.

Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity-a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries-affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage-based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament. Adapted from the source document.

Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity—a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries—affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub‐Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage‐based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament.

Na busca de estratégias para a conservação dos recursos biológicos globais, vem sendo reconhecido, com intensidade crescente, que os métodos científicos convencionais e os arranjos institucionais nem sempre são eficientes para se lidar com a complexidade embutida nas dimensões biofísicas e sociopolíticas desta problemática. No enfrentamento desses desafios, torna-se necessária uma abordagem integrada, capaz de combinar métodos científicos com valores societários. As pesquisas participativas promovem mudanças sociais ao capacitarem as comunidades a encontrar opções adequadas - do ponto de vista coletivo e cultural - para a concretização do desenvolvimento sustentável nos seus próprios termos. A gestão ecossistêmica reconhece a interconectividade dos sistemas sociais e ecológicos e tenta articular a pesquisa científica, a formulação de políticas públicas e o estabelecimento de objetivos societários por meio de pesquisas interdisciplinares e processos de tomada de decisões envolvendo múltiplos atores sociais. Em 1998, o Canadian Museum of Nature (CMN), sediado em Ottawa, em parceria com agências governamentais, instituições educacionais e grupos comunitários iniciaram um estudo multidisciplinar de três anos sobre a saúde do ecossistema do Rio Rideau, na região oriental de Ontário. Este artigo apresenta o Projeto de Conservação da Biodiversidade do Rio Rideau - PBRR (Rideau River Biodiversity Project - RRBP) como um estudo de caso baseado na aplicação de uma abordagem integrada para avaliar a biodiversidade de um ecossistema de água doce. Na parte final, apresentamos uma estrutura conceitual para a construção de uma abordagem integrada da conservação e do uso sustentável da biodiversidade, capaz de combinar os pontos fortes da pesquisa participativa no nível comunitário e da gestão ecossistêmica, mediante um processo de aprendizagem social e investigação transdisciplinar.

How do voters evaluate women candidates in places where traditional gender norms are strong? We conduct a survey experiment in Malawi to assess both whether citizens discriminate against women candidates and how other salient candidate characteristics—political experience, family status, policy focus, and gendered kinship practices—interact with candidate gender to affect citizen support. Contrary to our expectations, we find citizens prefer women candidates ceteris paribus, and women and men with the same traits are evaluated similarly. Yet, we find two unexpected ways women candidates are disadvantaged in the electoral process. First, we find that citizens prefer candidates who are married with young children, a profile much more common among men than women candidates in practice. Second, we find pervasive qualitative reports of negative campaigning that likely affected citizens' evaluations of actual women candidates, while not affecting evaluations of hypothetical candidates. We discuss how our results speak to the ways gender biases operate in practice across political contexts.