Suchergebnisse

The tension between the approach to disability policy articulated by the Americans with Disabilities Act & that of policy & programs enacted prior to 1973 is examined. Pre-1973 disability policy & programs were generally designed for people who did not work & aimed to identify the income losses & health care costs associated with disability. In contrast, the Americans with Disabilities Act has the objective of increasing employment. It is argued that both approaches, by attempting to establish uniform policy, fail because the disabled population is not uniform. At least two segments of the disabled population are distinguished: (1) the disabled minority who seek the opportunity to realize their potential as active participants in society & guarantee those same opportunities for other disabled people; & (2) the disabled majority who are more focused on economic objectives such as job access or compensatory income. Conflicts between equity & efficiency goals & suggestions for future policy are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Topics include equity for non-disabled people, impact on employment, anti-discrimination vs. reasonable accommodation, health insurance conflicts, disability status of people with AIDS and deaf people, and discrimination potential in genetic research; 12 articles.

The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) needs to be evaluated in the context of public programs that express disability policy. The older programs, which indemnify the income losses and health care costs associated with disability, are designed for persons who cannot work, as opposed to the ADA's objective of increasing employment. The tensions between the two approaches, the differences in the persons whom they serve, the conflicts between equity and efficiency goals, and some suggestions for future policies are the subjects of this article.

This paper analyzes the changing politics of housing policy during the Reagan administration. The analysis applies the concept of "subgovernments" to the housing coalition. The demise of the housing subgovemment is analyzed within a theoretical framework that includes "policy type" as an important explanatory variable. Specifically, this paper argues that as housing policy shifted from "distributive" to "redistributive" due to a curtailment of funding, the housing coalition came under pressure from external farces and ultimately fragmented into competing (rather than cohesive) interests. As a result, the U.S. commitment to housing provision was drastically reduced.

THE AUTHOR ANALYZES THE POLITICS OF HOUSING POLICY DURING THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION AND APPLIES THE CONCEPT OF "SUBGOVERNMENTS" TO THE HOUSING COALITION. HE ANALYZES THE DEMISE OF THE HOUSING SUBGOVERNMENT WITHIN A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK THAT INCLUDES POLICY TYPE AS AN IMPORTANT EXPLANATORY VARIABLE. SPECIFICALLY, HE ARGUES THAT AS HOUSING POLICY SHIFTED FROM DISTRIBUTIVE TO REDISTRIBUTIVE DUE TO THE CURTAILMENT OF FUNDING, THE HOUSING COALITION CAME UNDER PRESSURE FROM EXTERNAL FORCES AND ULTIMATELY FRAGMENTED INTO COMPETING (RATHER THAN COHESIVE) INTERESTS. AS A RESULT, THE U.S. COMMITMENT TO HOUSING PROVISION WAS DRASTICALLY REDUCED.