Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Notes on contributors -- 1 Analyzing social movements, nonviolent resistance, and the state -- PART I Nonviolence and social movements: elaborations -- 2 Performative power in nonviolent tactical adaptation to violence: evidence from US civil rights movement campaigns -- 3 Asserting land rights: rural land struggles in India and Brazil -- 4 Defections or disobedience? Assessing the consequences of security force collaboration or disengagement in nonviolent movements -- 5 Protest waves and authoritarian regimes: repression and protest outcomes -- 6 Bound by the red lines? The perils and promises of moderate mobilization under authoritarianism -- PART II Nonviolence and social movements: engagements -- 7 How the effectiveness of nonviolent action is the wrong question for activists, academics, and everyone else -- 8 Three common objections to the study of nonviolent resistance -- 9 The missing unarmed revolution: why civil resistance did not work in Bahrain -- 10 Nonviolent civil resistance: beyond violence and nonviolence in the age of street rebellion -- 11 Authoritarianism, nonviolent resistance, and Egypt's Kefaya movement -- Index

Cover; States and Social Movements; Contents; List of Illustrations; The State, Protest, and Social Movements; Protest in Contemporary Democracies; The Social Movement Society; Repressive States and Protest; Revolutions and States; Globalization, Protest, and the State; References; Index

This article considers the phenomenon of MAGAism as a general, "big-umbrella" social movement to probe its structure and persistence. Drawing on my research on nationalist movements, I discuss the narrative flexibility and emotional power of nationalism and consider how these characteristics fuel a particularly resentful form of majoritarian nationalism—MAGAism. I identify five points of entry for MAGA participation, starting with this bitter majoritarian nationalism, then populism, then traditional conservatism, next a Trumpian personality cult, and ending with the alt-right's extreme white supremacism and fascism. I then discuss two forces that gather this unlikely collection of groups and individuals under the MAGA umbrella: (1) the flexibility of social identity and how it allows status-threat narratives to subsume and redirect economic and political claims; (2) the social media environment of the 2020s, cut loose from the traditional gatekeepers of news and information, wherein maximizing hits—not accuracy—is the guiding principle. On the one hand, social media intensify the prominence of the demagogic celebrity at the helm of the Republican Party, Donald J. Trump. On the other hand, alt-right trolls compete for prominence by seeking outrageousness and shock value, enhanced by algorithms that create a closed information environment. These social media trends pull MAGA adherents further to the right by inflaming public discourse and building the movement on lies and conspiracies.

This examination of the mobilization-repression nexus in high-capacity authoritarian regimes draws on examples from China, Russia, Iran, and several Middle Eastern states to develop a framework for analyzing state violence and how political oppositions are organized. The study examines middle and low levels of state violence, the provincial and municipal organization of party and regime, and the police, private militias, and thugs as low-level enforcers, and focuses on:(1) the complexity of the state's apparatus of repression and control and how different levels exercise different forms of violence against activists;(2) the creativity of the opposition's actions to voice its demands and avoid repression and surveillance; and(3) the recursive relationship between the two, a dark dance between state and opposition with high stakes for both.Hierarchical analysis at national, provincial, and local levels, and lateral analysis across these levels, where elite interests frequently diverge, show that intersections and gaps on both axes can create lapses in social control and openings the opposition. These free spaces of speech and innovative action give rise to novel ways to keep oppositional sentiments in the public forum. The article offers several propositions for analyzing repression and state violence at various levels, and, similarly, the various ways that these free spaces occur.

This examination of the mobilization-repression nexus in high-capacity authoritarian regimes draws on examples from China, Russia, Iran, and several Middle Eastern states to develop a framework for analyzing state violence and how political oppositions are organized. The study examines middle and low levels of state violence, the provincial and municipal organization of party and regime, and the police, private militias, and thugs as low-level enforcers, and focuses on: (1) the complexity of the state's apparatus of repression and control and how different levels exercise different forms of violence against activists; (2) the creativity of the opposition's actions to voice its demands and avoid repression and surveillance; and (3) the recursive relationship between the two, a dark dance between state and opposition with high stakes for both. Hierarchical analysis at national, provincial, and local levels, and lateral analysis across these levels, where elite interests frequently diverge, show that intersections and gaps on both axes can create lapses in social control and openings the opposition. These free spaces of speech and innovative action give rise to novel ways to keep oppositional sentiments in the public forum. The article offers several propositions for analyzing repression and state violence at various levels, and, similarly, the various ways that these free spaces occur. Adapted from the source document.

This examination of the mobilization-repression nexus in high-capacity authoritarian regimes draws on examples from China, Russia, Iran, and several Middle Eastern states to develop a framework for analyzing state violence and how political oppositions are organized. The study examines middle and low levels of state violence, the provincial and municipal organization of party and regime, and the police, private militias, and thugs as low-level enforcers, and focuses on: (1) the complexity of the state's apparatus of repression and control and how different levels exercise different forms of violence against activists; (2) the creativity of the opposition's actions to voice its demands and avoid repression and surveillance; and (3) the recursive relationship between the two, a dark dance between state and opposition with high stakes for both. Hierarchical analysis at national, provincial, and local levels, and lateral analysis across these levels, where elite interests frequently diverge, show that intersections and gaps on both axes can create lapses in social control and openings the opposition. These free spaces of speech and innovative action give rise to novel ways to keep oppositional sentiments in the public forum. The article offers several propositions for analyzing repression and state violence at various levels, and, similarly, the various ways that these free spaces occur. Adapted from the source document.