Suchergebnisse

Foreword -- Note -- Contents -- Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Diagrams -- Chapter 1: Malaise in Representation: Attitudes, Beliefs, Behaviors, and Causalities -- Introduction -- Theory of Malaise and Case Studies -- Social Inequality and Malaise -- From Support for Democracy to Legitimacy -- Bias in Representation -- The Three "D"s of Malaise with Democracy -- Operationalization -- Why Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay? Congruence Analysis and Its Limits -- Conclusions -- Notes -- References -- Part I: Chile, a Chronic Malaise with and Among Elites -- Chapter 2: Discontent, Collective Protest, and Social Movements in Chile -- Introduction -- How Markets Generate Social Discontent -- Governments Do Not Temper Market Damages -- Institutional Constraints for Addressing Discontent -- How Social Movements Translate Diffuse Discontent into Collective Action -- Social Discontent and Protest Activities: Survey Data -- Conclusions -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 3: Malaise and Democracy in Chile -- Introduction -- Determinants of Malaise -- The Causes of Malaise: Explaining Distrust, Disaffection, and Disapproval -- Determinants of Participation in Political Protest -- Methodology and Data -- Results -- Trends in Malaise -- Relationship Between Attitudinal and Behavioral Dimensions of Malaise -- Determinants of Malaise and of Political Participation -- Consequences of Malaise -- Conclusions -- Appendix -- References -- Chapter 4: Elite-Mass Congruence in Chile -- Introduction -- Elite-Mass Congruence in Chile -- Data and Methods -- Support for Democracy -- Social Order4 -- Ideological Self-Position -- Chile's Most Important Problems: The Link Between Education, Inequality and Poverty -- Confidence in and Perceptions of Institutions -- Political Parties -- Role of the State -- Implications and Conclusions -- Notes -- References

En este estudio, el autor indaga sobre las ventajas y consecuencias que produce la posesión de "capital político familiar" por candidatos a senadores, diputados y consejeros regionales en las elecciones chilenas de 2013. A partir de un paciente trabajo de recopilación de información biográfica sobre parentelas políticas (entendida como volumen y tipos de vínculos políticos familiares) de quienes fueron candidatos en estas tres elecciones, el estudio muestra la considerable ventaja electoral de la que se benefician los depositarios y herederos de este recurso respecto de quienes no lo poseen. El artículo proporciona evidencia "estática" contundente sobre concentraciones de mercado a partir de la inversión de esta especie de capital, la que requiere ser complementada por estudios genéticos y dinámicos acerca de la formación de esta especie de capital y, tras ella, de dinastías políticas a lo largo del tiempo.

In this study, the author investigates the advantages and consequences that "family political capital" brought to candidates for senators, deputies and regional councilors in Chilean elections of 2013. By gathering biographical information on political relationships (defined as the volume and type of family political ties) of those who were candidates in these three elections, the study shows the considerable electoral advantage that those who have access to this resource possess in comparison to those who do not. The article provides abundant "static" evidence regarding how this kind of capital results in market concentration. Further genetic and dynamic study is required into how this capital, and political dynasties, are formed over time. ; En este estudio, el autor indaga sobre las ventajas y consecuencias que produce la posesión de "capital político familiar" por candidatos a senadores, diputados y consejeros regionales en las elecciones chilenas de 2013. A partir de un paciente trabajo de recopilación de información biográfica sobre parentelas políticas (entendida como volumen y tipos de vínculos políticos familiares) de quienes fueron candidatos en estas tres elecciones, el estudio muestra la considerable ventaja electoral de la que se benefician los depositarios y herederos de este recurso respecto de quienes no lo poseen. El artículo proporciona evidencia "estática" contundente sobre concentraciones de mercado a partir de la inversión de esta especie de capital, la que requiere ser complementada por estudios genéticos y dinámicos acerca de la formación de esta especie de capital y, tras ella, de dinastías políticas a lo largo del tiempo.

AbstractThis article systematically analyses the inner circle of the coalition that governed Chile between 1990 and 2010. To this end, it takes the notion of 'technopol' and transforms it into a sociological category by clearly identifying the nature of the 'technical' and 'political' resources of 20 agents who served as ministers and undersecretaries in key government posts. Over two decades these agents provided the governing coalition, the Concertación, with a form of collective leadership. The article thus shows that only this small group of powerful agents can be termed technopols since only they exhibited 'tech' and 'pol' resources as well as a particular form of political competence, making it possible to differentiate them from technocrats and politicians.

Résumé La notion de compétence politique, lorsqu'elle est employée, incite à classer les individus comme plus ou moins compétents (au sens où ils maîtrisent certaines catégories politiques). Cet article se propose de montrer que des citoyens ordinaires peuvent effectivement se révéler compétents, mais en mobilisant des ressources non politiques qui leur permettent de rendre intelligible le champ politique et ses enjeux. Ce faisant, l'auteur s'intéresse à des formes très générales de la compétence en politique, observable chez des agents qui bricolent et s'y retrouvent en politique à partir d'échelles profanes de pertinence.

The notion of political competence, when it is used, encourages to rank the individuals as more or less competent (in sense that they control certain political categories). This article aims at showing that ordinary citizens can really turn out to be competent, but in mobilizing means that are not political, which allow them to return comprehensible the political field & its stakes. Thus, the author is interested in very general forms of competence in politics, revealed in agents who knock up & understand politics from ordinary levels of pertinence. Adapted from the source document.