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Historians concerned with topics of urban, food, retail, and political history have long argued that ideals of political regulation decisively influence and shape urban food distribution systems in European and American cities. For example, researchers have been able to show that throughout the late 18th and mid-19th centuries, in cities like Paris, Mexico City, New York, and Manchester, surprisingly similar discussions were taking place about the regulation and liberalisation of bread and meat production, and their related distribution systems. The article engages with this international discussion by arguing that these debates represent a kind of "double movement" between regulated and self-regulated markets, as outlined by Karl Polanyi. It then raises the question of how urbanisation and political regulation affected the food supply system of the city of Vienna during the Vormärz period (1815–1847). By cartographically analysing the topographic development of bakers within and around the urban area, the article concludes that political-economic and demographic factors led to the creation of two distinctive, competing, and simultaneously complementary systems of bread supply during the first half of the 19th century. ; Historians concerned with topics of urban, food, retail, and political history have long argued that ideals of political regulation decisively influence and shape urban food distribution systems in European and American cities. For example, researchers have been able to show that throughout the late 18th and mid-19th centuries, in cities like Paris, Mexico City, New York, and Manchester, surprisingly similar discussions were taking place about the regulation and liberalisation of bread and meat production, and their related distribution systems. The article engages with this international discussion by arguing that these debates represent a kind of "double movement" between regulated and self-regulated markets, as outlined by Karl Polanyi. It then raises the question of how urbanisation and political regulation affected the food supply system of the city of Vienna during the Vormärz period (1815–1847). By cartographically analysing the topographic development of bakers within and around the urban area, the article concludes that political-economic and demographic factors led to the creation of two distinctive, competing, and simultaneously complementary systems of bread supply during the first half of the 19th century.

The use of combat troops to construct roads, buildings, and other projects of social and economic importance has had a long history in human affairs, beginning in Biblical times.

The New Sweden Colony (1638-1655) is often regarded as an anomaly in the context of 17th century Swedish politics and in the context of other European colonies in America. Equally, the colony's importance in the historical narrative of early modern Sweden and colonial America has been modest. However, more recent research on Scandinavian involvement in the Atlantic economy and early modern politics at home and abroad shows that Sweden was actively involved in producing and advancing a colonial agenda and that the relatively short-lived colonial venture in America had long-term effects and consequences. Taking the point of departure in a critical review of the scholarship on New Sweden, this article examines the common image of the colony and identifies several blind spots and points of convergence between New Sweden and Sweden's other colonial projects. Informed by postcolonial approaches the article examines colonial rhetoric and logic underlying the interactions between the Swedes and the Native Americans and foregrounds practices of the Swedish community in America. It explores the connections between Sweden and the Swedish community in America throughout the 17th and 18th century and the impact of these connections (and this colonial venture) in Sweden and America. The article also draws attention to the close relations and parallels between the colonial practice in New Sweden and Sápmi. This analysis sheds new light on the colony and its role in Sweden and America in the 17th as well as in the 20th century.

The New Sweden Colony (1638-1655) is often regarded as an anomaly in the context of 17th century Swedish politics and in the context of other European colonies in America. Equally, the colony's importance in the historical narrative of early modern Sweden and colonial America has been modest. However, more recent research on Scandinavian involvement in the Atlantic economy and early modern politics at home and abroad shows that Sweden was actively involved in producing and advancing a colonial agenda and that the relatively short-lived colonial venture in America had long-term effects and consequences.Taking the point of departure in a critical review of the scholarship on New Sweden, this article examines the common image of the colony and identifies several blind spots and points of convergence between New Sweden and Sweden's other colonial projects. Informed by postcolonial approaches the article examines colonial rhetoric and logic underlying the interactions between the Swedes and the Native Americans and foregrounds practices of the Swedish community in America. It explores the connections between Sweden and the Swedish community in America throughout the 17th and 18th century and the impact of these connections (and this colonial venture) in Sweden and America. The article also draws attention to the close relations and parallels between the colonial practice in New Sweden and Sápmi. This analysis sheds new light on the colony and its role in Sweden and America in the 17th as well as in the 20th century.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction. The Vitality of Tradition -- Identity in the Moroccan Context -- Moroccan and Foreign Contexts -- Notes -- Chapter 1. How the West Was Won: The Arab Conqueror and the Serene Amazigh in Driss Chraïbi's La Mère du printemps -- Notes -- Chapter 2. Cultural Encounter in Moroccan Postcolonial Literature of English Expression -- Introduction -- Orientalism and the Ideology of Otherness -- Encountering the Other in Postcolonial Moroccan Texts -- Notes -- Chapter 3. Intersections: Amazigh (Berber) Literary Space -- Amazigh (Berber) Literary Space -- Tamazigh/ Amazigh/ Imazighen in the Maghreb -- Amazigh Literary Space in Morocco and the Netherlands: Novels and Short Stories -- Chleuh -- Tarifit -- Dutch -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Works Cited -- Chapter 4. Writing in the Feminine: The Emerging Voices of Francophone Moroccan Women Writers -- Subversive Feminine Writing -- Radical Critiques of Patriarchy -- Oser Vivre (1999) -- Le Corps Derobé (1999) -- La Répudiée (2001) -- Documenting Human Rights Abuses -- "Poème de prison" (1978) -- La Prisonnière (1999) -- Les impunis, ou les obsessions interdites (2004) -- Notes -- Chapter 5. Tactile Labyrinths and Sacred Interiors: Spatial Practices and Political Choices in Abdelmajid Ben Jalloun's Fí al-Tufúla and Ahmed Sefrioui's La boîte à merveilles -- Labryinthine Space in Fí al-Tufúla -- The Sacred Interior in Fí al-Tufúla -- Labryinthine Space in La boîte à merveilles -- The Sacred Interior in La boîte à merveilles -- The Façade in La boîte à merveilles -- The Sacred Interior in Fí al-Tufúla, Again -- Political Spaces in Moroccan Literature -- Notes -- Chapter 6. Monstrous Offspring: Disturbing Bodies in Feminine Moroccan Francophone Literature -- Mythical Silence and Audible Words -- Space and Confinement -- Mother Society, My Torturer?.

Based on agenda-setting, priming and issue ownership theory, we know that issue ownership and party visibility in the news can be used as strategies to affect electoral support. Thus far, it is, however, unclear whether these effects are independent or work interactively. This study aims to fill this gap. We focus on the Partij voor de Vrijheid, the prominent Dutch right-wing populist party, and draw upon an experimental design in which we exposed a sample of Dutch voters ( N = 600) to media coverage on one of four issues – an owned issue, an unowned issue, an issue owned by another party and a contested issue – featuring either a party cue or not. The results indicate that the impact of issue coverage is moderated by party cues: attention to owned issues and unowned issues increases support only when party cues are present. Attention to contested and trespassing issues does not increase support.

This study examines when and why threats of economic sanctions lead to the successful extraction of policy concessions. Scholars identified three (not mutually exclusive) hypotheses that explain the success of sanction threats: (a) the coercive, (b) the informational and (c) the public commitment hypothesis. The underpinning mechanisms for the hypotheses are, respectively, the economic cost of sanctions, uncertainty about the resolve of the sender and domestic audience cost for issuing empty threats. In this study, we offer an empirical test of the three hypotheses on threats effectiveness. In addition, we assess how variation in the three mechanisms affects the effectiveness of threats relative to imposed sanctions. For the expected economic cost, we use the TIES data. To measure uncertainty, we generate a network of diplomatic relations, based on Formal Alliance data, utilizing methods from complex network theory. To assess public commitment, we use the democracy score based on the POLITY IV data. Our results show that the effectiveness of threats strongly increases in an economic cost to the target; however, threats become increasingly effective relative to imposed sanctions for lower uncertainty and higher domestic audience cost.