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This paper traces the evolution of Plaid Cymru's attitude towards Europe. It does so by focusing in turn on: the place of Europe in the ideas of Saunders Lewis, the dominant figure in the party between its foundation in 1924/25 and 1945; the more 'northern' or Nordic vision of Europe that gripped the party in the post-World War II era; and the waxing and waning of the party's most EU-enthusiastic phase between the mid-1980s and the present day. By adopting a longer timeframe than is normally the case, the paper argues that Europe has played a wider role in the thinking of the party than is often conceded; a role that was not at all or only tangentially related to actually existing institutions. The paper goes on to argue that it was in part the chastening impact of Plaid Cymru's eventual exposure to actually existing European institutions that led the party in 2003 to abandon its utopian commitment to a post-sovereign Europe in favour of an explicit commitment to 'independence' as its long-term aim. Adapted from the source document.

Contends that the distinction between a specific, emancipation-oriented critical theory-based critical security studies (CSS) & a more general, emancipation-skeptic, post-structuralist-influenced CSS is exaggerated. It is argued that the idea of emancipation is not only implicit in general CSS, but "some concept of emancipation is a necessary element of any form of analysis that attempts to problematize & criticize the status quo." The serious & sophisticated attempt of the Frankfurt School of critical theory to explain the meaning of emancipation is examined to contend that it is not without problems & contradictions. The theme of emancipation is examined in the work of Frankfurt School figures like Horkheimer, Adorno, & Habermas, as well as in the scholarship of contemporary theorists who have developed newer conceptualizations, including David Held's concept of deliberative & cosmopolitan democracy, & Andrew Linklater's notions of political community. Consideration is given to how critical theorists have attempted to transpose understandings of emancipatory potential into "visions of concrete utopias." It is concluded that a concern with emancipation is central to any form of CSS. J. Lindroth

The relationship between critical theory & emancipatory political praxis, particularly the role played by intellectuals & academics, is examined. Although critical theory is touted as a force for change, operationalization of strategies for critical theory to impinge on the emancipatory process are not delineated. Intellectuals can fill the gap between theory & praxis by not taking on the traditional autonomous & detached academic role that produces & reproduces dominant hegemonies, & by assuming the more self-conscious role of organic intellectual -- articulating & organizing the interest of their particular social class. The primary political function of the organic intellectual is the construction of a counterhegemony & undermining of the prevailing dominant discourse & status quo. Critical security studies have begun to do just that -- challenging the hegemonic security discourse by asking for reevaluation of the definition of security, the recipients & benefits of security, & the appropriate objectives of security. Such challenges provide the support required by social movements to promote emancipatory social change. D. Generoli

For decades, accusations have been made that senior figures among Welsh nationalists were sympathetic towards Fascism during the 1930s and the Second World War - such accusations that would sully the name of any political adversary. In this challenging work, Wales's most prominent political commentator assesses the truth of the historical charges, shedding new light on aspects of Plaid Cymru and its leadership during the period in question, and bringing into the open an important discussion on the political culture of contemporary Wales

AbstractDevolution was almost universally regarded as heralding a fundamental shift in the nature of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. But, since the 2016 Brexit referendum, the UK government has become increasingly hostile—not only towards the Labour and SNP‐run administrations in Scotland and Wales, but to the very existence of devolution. Recent legislative changes—particularly the UK Internal Market Act—have given central government carte blanche to intervene in what were previously regarded as areas of devolved competence. The inevitable result has been to render the governance arrangements for the devolved countries more adversarial and less stable than was previously the case. One immediate consequence of 'the death of devolution' has been to trigger calls by devolutionists for more far‐reaching changes to the state than were achieved in the late 1990s. It is far from clear, however, that such changes are politically achievable, raising the prospect of an extended period of stasis in which the current arrangements persist, not because they have any real supporters, but rather, because no alternative is possible.

Wales provides a notable exception to the contemporary academic consensus that electoral behaviour is best studied via choice-based approaches. In Wales, the orthodoxy remains that of the Three-Wales Model, an approach formulated in the 1980s which saw voting behaviour as defined by class, language and national identity. This article submits the Three-Wales Model to detailed scrutiny for the first time. The model is argued to have been constructed on a very narrow theoretical basis, and on flawed measurements. Most importantly, however, the Three-Wales Model is shown to have little empirical leverage on voting behaviour in Wales - either for the period when it was formulated or for more recent elections. Factors associated with 'valence politics' theories are shown to provide far greater insight into voting behaviour in contemporary Wales. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]