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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Maps and Figures -- Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: The New Hispanic Immigration -- I. Setting The Context -- 1. Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens -- 2. Participation in the American Polity: Why Citizenship Matters -- 3. Explaining Participation: Why It Takes So Long to Become a Citizen -- II. The Costs Of Choosing -- 4. Resistance from Outside: Machine Politics and the (Non) Incorporation of Immigrants -- 5. Resistance from Within: The Myth of Return and the Community of Memory -- III. Liminal Politics -- 6. In-between Identities: Race and Ethnicity in the American Context -- 7. The Politics of In-between: Avoiding Irreconcilable Demands, Keeping Loyalties -- IV. Breaking The Impasse -- 8. Wanting It Both Ways: The Quest for Dual Citizenship -- 9. Wanting In: Latin American Immigrant Women and the Turn to Electoral Politics -- V. Conclusion: The New Americans -- 10. Liminality and Democratic Citizenship -- Appendix: Methodology and Interview Sample -- References -- Index

Contents -- Contributors -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction. Comparative Approaches to Changing Interethnic Relations in Cities / Michael Jones-Correa -- Part I. New Actors in Cities -- Chapter 1. Immigrant Political Participation in New York and Los Angeles / John Mollenkopf, David Olson, and Timothy Ross -- Chapter 2. Ethnic Subcontracting as an Impediment to Interethnic Coalitions: The Chinese Experience / Peter Kwong -- Chapter 3. Korean Americans and the Crisis of the Liberal Coalition: Immigrants and Politics in Los Angeles / Edward J. W. Park and John S. W. Park

Objectives. As the Voting Rights Act (VRA) comes up for renewal in 2007, its effects on the political incorporation of groups other than African Americans will be of key importance in any debate. Among the questions in any such discussion will be whether the language provisions of the VRA have helped enfranchise "linguistic minorities" in the United States, or whether their effect has been largely symbolic. Second, if the Voting Rights Act has had a positive impact on the participation rates of Asian Americans and Latinos, have these effects been tilted toward first‐generation immigrants—who were not the intended beneficiaries of the Act—rather than native‐born minorities?Methods. This article looks at registration and voting data from the November 1996 and 2000 Census Current Population Supplemental Voting Surveys to explore the differential impact of the Act among immigrants and the native born, and among Latinos and Asian Americans.Results. The analysis finds evidence that the language provisions of the Voting Rights Act have significant and positive effects on the voting rates of covered linguistic minorities.Conclusions. Because the voting rates of Asian and Hispanic Americans in the United States still lag behind those of the population as a whole, the effects of the VRA with respect to these groups are important considerations as Congress weighs the Act's renewal.

Objectives. As the Voting Rights Act (VRA) comes up for renewal in 2007, its effects on the political incorporation of groups other than African Americans will be of key importance in any debate. Among the questions in any such discussion will be whether the language provisions of the VRA have helped enfranchise "linguistic minorities" in the United States, or whether their effect has been largely symbolic. Second, if the Voting Rights Act has had a positive impact on the participation rates of Asian Americans & Latinos, have these effects been tilted toward first-generation immigrants -- who were not the intended beneficiaries of the Act -- rather than native-born minorities? Methods. This article looks at registration & voting data from the November 1996 & 2000 Census Current Population Supplemental Voting Surveys to explore the differential impact of the Act among immigrants & the native born, & among Latinos & Asian Americans. Results. The analysis finds evidence that the language provisions of the Voting Rights Act have significant & positive effects on the voting rates of covered linguistic minorities. Conclusions. Because the voting rates of Asian & Hispanic Americans in the United States still lag behind those of the population as a whole, the effects of the VRA with respect to these groups are important considerations as Congress weighs the Act's renewal. 3 Tables, 37 References. Adapted from the source document.

The state of contemporary scholarship that has examined the extent of transnationalism in second-generation immigrant populations in the US is examined. Although the contention that most second-generation ethnic groups maintain transnational ties to parents' countries-of-origin is supported, it is stated that scholars' failure to account for immigrants' age risks overextending the notion of transnationalism. Rather than delineate all second-generation members as participating in transnational activities, it is stated that assimilation is more prevalent than transnationalism; nevertheless, several reasons for not writing off second-generation populations as assimilationist are offered. Although future generations of immigrants are more inclined to assimilate to American society, it is argued that preceding generations of immigrants have changed American society into a more multicultural & transnational domain. Multiple recommendations for future research are offered, eg, studying the ramifications of immigrant populations' language loss for such groups' participation in transnational activities. 20 References. J. W. Parker

This article surveys the practice of dual nationality in the Western Hemisphere, particularly as it impacts the naturalization rates of immigrants in the United States. The article begins by looking at the extent and spread of dual nationality provisions and the pathways for its implementation. Next, the article turns to a discussion of the multiple (and at times conflicting) interests – of immigrants, sending states and receiving states – in dual nationality. While immigrants and sending countries are in general agreement on the positive benefits of dual nationality, commentators in receiving countries like the United States continue to express deep unease at the spread of dual nationality and its consequences for American citizenship. Are these concerns justified? Not according to U.S. naturalization rates. Data from 1965 to 1997 indicate that immigrants from countries recognizing dual nationality average higher naturalization rates in the United States than countries that do not.

An introductory chapter looks at the impact of changing demographics in the US on urban politics & ways contemporary immigrants become incorporated in the political system. The Census Bureau estimated the foreign-born population to be 28.4 million in 2000, a 43% jump over the 1990 figure. Most recent immigrants have come from Asia or Latin America & settled in large metropolitan areas, which are the focus of the case studies presented in this volume. The multidisciplinary contributions are organized along three themes. The first section, "New Actors in Cities," looks at mechanisms that constrain the political participation of immigrants; trends toward ethnic coalition building; & differences among/within nationality groups. The middle part, "Competition and Conflict," establishes a theoretical foundation for when conflict/competition might be expected to occur & the forms it is likely to take. The final section, "Cooperation and Coalition Building," explores the combination of leadership & shared interest needed for cooperation among urban ethnic/racial groups. A synopsis of each article is included. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 26 References. J. Lindroth