Suchergebnisse

Long-term care policies are aimed at the most vulnerable parts of the population and are characterized by the (non) existence of opportunities, choices, alternatives, lack of (or not) the autonomy of choice, human rights, and the humanity of society. Thus, through the conception of social policies of long-term care, the social relationship towards those who are long-term dependent on other people's support in order to perform their daily activities, meet basic needs, and be socially integrated is regulated. This work focused on the analysis of the compliance of these aspects of social policy in Serbia and the European Union, using the comparative method, in relation to the indicators of the relevant areas. The subject of the research is focused on social policies and that part of them that refers to the long-term care of the elderly population. Territorial determination implies an analysis of the situation in the Republic of Serbia and the countries of the European Union. The aim of the work was to determine the similarities and differences in the basic elements of long-term care policies, and to conduct a comparative analysis in relation to the Republic of Serbia and relevant representatives of the corresponding sociopolitical models recognized in the member states of the European Union. The paper tried to answer the question of whether there are differences in the formulation and provision of long-term care, as well as what are the similarities and differences in content, both in relation to the determined funds and the available support activities. Through the analysis, it was determined that the comparison of Serbia and EU representatives identifies that the characteristics of long-term care that are present in EU countries and Serbia indicate many differences and some similarities. The similarity is observed in the demographic indicators, as well as in the declarative determination to follow the concept of deinstitutionalization. However, the following of this concept is different in Serbia and EU countries, because the indicators show that in the EU there is a far greater number of users of services that support staying at home with help and support. In Serbia, the situation is different and the number of users of accommodation and support services in a natural environment is very similar. Also, the difference that is present in this context is in relation to the percentage of the population that uses long-term care services. In our country, that percentage is significantly lower than in EU countries. Significant differences are also observed in relation to the position and support of informal caregivers. In the Republic of Serbia, this type of support is not even normatively recognized, and institutional mechanisms do not provide any assistance to these persons. Unlike Serbia, the EU has defined various support mechanisms for this category of population.

The commotion in European Turkey in the first half of 1903 attracted the attention of Serbian politicians. However, preparations for the uprising in Macedonia coincided with a dynastic change in Serbia prompting Belgrade officials to give priority to internal issues. Besides, the attitude of the royal government was considerably influenced by the Great Powers and their active attempts at calming down tensions in the Balkans. In such circumstances, Belgrade's official attitude towards the occurrences in Macedonia was unambiguous. In keeping with the existing plan concerning the national question and in order to maintain good relations with the Ottoman Empire, Serbian politicians were determined to restrain from being involved in the complex situation caused by the uprising. Such decisions were largely influenced by the opinion of the competent circles in Belgrade that the uprising in Macedonia was stirred and supported by the Principality of Bulgaria and that, consequently, it was up to the politicians in Sofia to think about the possible consequences. In contrast with this reserved position of the officials, the fierceness of the events in Macedonia aroused turbulent and, in a sense, twofold reactions of various social circles and groups. The Serbian public, as could be heard in daily press and public statements, asked for a more active approach of the Serbian government above all, in terms of humanitarian aid to the Christians in the affected regions. On the other hand, uneasy about the passive attitude of official Belgrade, certain military circles displayed determination to protect Serbian interests in the south by implementing new forms of struggle. They set therefore, to muster up the first combat units despite the fact that Belgrade was expressly against Serbia's involvement in the armed conflict on the Macedonian soil. Such events, manifest exactly during the Ilinden uprising clearly indicated that the following period would witness a change in the general policy of the Kingdom of Serbia towards the Macedonian question and its adjustment to the new situation. ; Članak je posvećen odnosu različitih političkih činilaca Kraljevine Srbije prema Ilindenskom ustanku u Makedoniji, avgusta 1903. godine. Različit stav zvaničnog Beograda, oficirskih krugova i srpskog javnog mnjenja, prema ustanku, kao i zaoštravanje političkih prilika na Balkanu, doveli su do krupnih promena u postavkama srpskog nacionalnog rada u Makedoniji,u narednom periodu.

Cilj rada predstavalja analiza i prikaz diverzionih programa, pojašnjavanje šta oni predstavljaju, uz osvrt na uporednu prasku i naglasak na kritičkom pregledu kako pozitivnih, tako i negativnih aspekata diverzionih programa. Predmet rada, sledstveno, čini analiza primene vaspitnih naloga kao oblika diverzionih programa, oblika u kojima se implementiraju i šta čini pozitivne, a šta negativne aspekte vaspitnih naloga. Autori u tekstu nastoje da primenjujući metode analize sadržaja i u kratkom delu komparativne analize prikažu teorijsku osnovu i praktične motive za uspostavljanje programa ove vrste u praksi. Izvode utemeljeno zaključivanje o teorijskoj osnovi implementacione prakse u Republici Srbiji i daju prikaz Zakona o maloletnim učiniocima krivičnih dela i krivičnopravnoj zaštiti maloletnih lica, uz pokušaj identifikacije svrhe i motiva za njegovo uspostavljanje. Uz to daju svoje viđenje pozitivnih i negativnih strana ovih programa, koje je bazirano na analizi sadržaja različitih dostupnih stručnih i naučnih sadržaja.

In Cyrillic. ; Vols. 1-4 include letters A-Đ. No more published. ; Vols. 2-4 have imprint: U Beogradu: J.D. Lazarević. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The anthropogenic emission of GHG especially CO has to be limited and reduced due to 2 their impact on global warming and climate change. Combustion of fossil fuels in the energy sector has a dominant share in total GHG emissions. In order to reduce GHG emission, European Union established a scheme for GHG allowance trading within the community, and the implementation of the European Union emission trading scheme, which is a key to GHG reduction in a cost-effective way. An important part of emission trading scheme is prescribed methodology for monitoring, reporting, and verification of the emission of GHG including characterization of the local fuels combusted by the energy sector. This paper presents lignite characteristics from open-pit mine Borovica- Pljevlja, which has highest coal production in Montenegro (>1.2 Mt per year), including evaluation of its carbon emission factor based on the laboratory analysis of 72 coal samples. Testing of the samples included proximate and ultimate analysis, as well as, net calorific value determination. In accordance with the obtained results, linear correlations between net calorific value and combustible matter content, carbon content and combustible matter content, hydrogen content and combustible matter content, carbon content and net calorific value, were established. Finally, the non-linear analytical correlation between carbon emission factor and net calorific value for Pljevlja lignite was proposed, as a base for the precise calculation of CO emission evaluation.