Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Drawing on data from in-depth interviews with twenty-one founder-CEOs of social work organisations (SWOs) in Mainland China, this article develops the concept of 'strategic resource mobilisation' and investigates how founder-CEOs' professional backgrounds influence their mobilisation of resources in three areas—funding, human resources and government relations. We find that founder-CEOs adopt different strategies in mobilising resources, presenting distinct advantages and disadvantages according to their professional background. In particular, founder-CEOs affiliated with universities are viewed with trust and respect by the government and have social work students as human resources but report a lack of management skills; founder-CEOs from a business background have wider access to financial support and make good use of their management experiences and skills but are challenged by frontline social workers; and founder-CEOs with prior government experience rely on connections with officials to secure funding but face greater administrative constraints. The findings provide valuable insights for SWO executives to better assess their organisational capacity, leadership and management. The research further suggests that, to ensure the sustainable development of SWOs in Mainland China, government policies could be introduced to help diversify the funding sources, and efforts should be made to improve the partnership between the government and SWOs.

This paper presents the results of an empirical research focused on the ideological behavior of think tanks, especially those centered on foreign and security policies. A sample of 25 European, 27 American and 34 Spanish think tanks were selected from 228 think tanks that are globally considered the most important, according to the program Think Tanks and Civil Societieswhich was led by Dr. James G. McGann from Pennsylvania University and the Spanish Directory of International and Strategic Centers in 2007. The selected think tanks study, produce and debate ideas related to foreign and security policies; and are characterized as independent or neutral centers. Their apparent ideological neutrality is not exempt from beliefs and values that could lead to political behavior, which can acquire an ideological essence in the political environment and, that is worth further study. As a result, this paper proposes a model of comparative ideological behavior of the aforementioned institutions for the Spanish, American and European cases. ; El presente artículo expone los resultados de una investigación empírica en la que se analiza el comportamiento ideológico de los centros de investigación y análisis de políticas públicas —comúnmente denominados think tanks— y, más específicamente, los que se centran en el ámbito de la política internacional y de seguridad o, entre cuyas agendas ocupan un lugar destacado los asuntos internacionales. Sobre el universo de 228 think tanks considerados más importantes en el escenario global, según la encuesta correspondiente a 2007 del programa: The Think Tanks and Civil Societies, de la Universidad de Pensilvania, dirigido por el Dr. James G. McGann y el Directorio de centros españoles de asuntos internacionales y estratégicos, editado por el Real Instituto Elcano de España en 2002, se ha seleccionado una muestra de casos procedentes de Europa (25), Estados Unidos (27) y España (34), entre cuyas actividades se encuentra el estudio, la producción y el debate de ideas relacionadas con la política exterior y de seguridad internacional. Caracterizados, en su mayoría, como centros independientes y no partidistas, su aparente neutralidad ideológica no se encuentra exenta de un conjunto de creencias y valores del que se desprenden, no solo actitudes sino conductas decididamente políticas que, cuando se orientan hacia el orden político, adquieren una consideración esencialmente ideológica y cuyo enfoque merece un estudio detallado. Como conclusión, el trabajo propone un modelo de comportamiento ideológico comparado de dichas instituciones para el caso español, estadounidense y europeo, en su conjunto. ; Este artigo expõe os resultados de uma investigação empírica na que é analisado o comportamento ideológico dos centros de investigação e análises de políticas públicas – amplamente chamados de think tanks- e, especificamente, os que tem como foco o âmbito da política internacional e segurança ou entre os que tem como destaque na sua agenda os assuntos internacionais. No universo dos 228 think tanks considerados mais importantes na cena global, segundo a pesquisa de 2007 do programa: The Think Tanks and Civil Societies, da Univeridade de Pensilvania, dirigido pelo Dr, James G. McGann e o Diretório de centros espanholes de assuntos internacionais y estratégicos, editado pelo Real Instituto Elcano de Espanha no ano 2002, foi escolhida uma amostra de casos procedentes da Europa (25), Estados Unidos (27) e Espanha (34), que tem entre suas atividades o estudo, produção e o debate de ideias relacionadas com a política exterior e a segurança internacional. Caracterizados em sua maioria como centros independentes e não partidistas, sua aparente neutralidade ideológica não está isenta de um conjunto de crenças e valores dos que se desprende não só atitudes mas também condutas decididamente políticas, que quando orientadas á ordem política, adquirem uma consideração essencialmente ideológica e cuja orientação merece um estudo mais detalhado. Como conclusão, o trabalho propõe um modelo de comportamento ideológico comparado das referidas instituições para o caso espanhol, estadunidense e europeu, em conjunto.

TEKS (Texas Essential Knowledge and Skills): 8.23(D) analyze the contributions of people of various racial, ethnic, and religious groups to our national identity. 8.23(E) identify the political, social, and economic contributions of women to American society. Lesson objective(s): 1.The Learner will (TLW) -analyze the political contributions of women and their significant roles they in promoting in the reform movements and civil rights. 2. TLW compare and contrast the letters to significant political leaders of their time of Mercy Otis Warren and Adela Sloss-Vento. Differentiation strategies to meet diverse learner needs: Students will write a letter (in Spanish and English) to local, state, and federal leaders addressing a change or reform in government to be effective today. Students will create a Venn-diagram comparing and contrasting Mercy Otis Warren and Adela SlossVento.

This paper proposes to understand a singular but salient factor that enables the wealthy to deflect their tax burden downwards: elites' political leverage to shape legislation via their capacity to influence political actors and policy outcomes. The analysis sheds light on alternative mechanisms used by economic elites over time and space. Our analysis of the political economy of taxing upper-income groups in Chile and Uruguay reveals the importance of continuous political agency on the part of organized elite interest groups. Our results show how even centre-left parties competing on a redistributive programmatic platform confront and concede to the interests of wealthy elites, especially when sustained interaction between political leaders and economic elites becomes routinized in the long run.

Santiago Ramón y Cajal is recognized as the founder of modern neuroscience, his discoveries representing the fundamental pillars of our current understanding of the nervous system. As Cajal's career spanned a critical period in Spanish history, he witnessed strong social demands for progress in culture, education, and science. Indeed, the life of Santiago Ramón y Cajal can be considered to reflect the gradual development of Spanish science from the last third of the 19th century. Cajal promoted a national movement that had important consequences for Spanish science, mainly triggered by the creation of the "Junta para Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones Científicas," an instrument he established to enrich scientific research and that was later to bear such abundant fruit. The school generated by Cajal profited from this development, through which all Cajal's disciples received fellowships to train in laboratories across Europe. Unfortunately, the Spanish Civil War disrupted this revitalization of Spanish science and provoked the diaspora of many Spanish scientists. However, a political impulse, mostly following this spirit, was resumed in Spain during the eighties that successfully led to a renaissance in Spanish science.