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"Neoliberalism is widely explained as an affirmative political choice inaugurating a new stage of capitalism, typically made by conservative politicians at the behest of capital. From this perspective, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, and the Mont Pèlerin Society provided the intellectual ammunition for the right-wing seizure of the state and the theoretical blueprint for dismantling the institutional and ideological legacy of the New Deal. But what if this story got its cause and effects backwards? What if it was not neoliberalism that ushered in financialization but rather financialization that allowed neoliberalism to take root? Democracy in Default argues that financialization was a tactical response to a political crisis within liberalism, and that financialization in turn supports neoliberal governmental policy that displaces democratic processes and accountability. Both claims move against conventional wisdom, which treats neoliberalism as a response to a crisis of capitalism, and financialization as the offspring of neoliberal deregulation. Judge begins by exploring the ways that liberal political doctrine disavows the problem of distributive conflict-the general condition in which people vie for increasing shares of the social product-and is consequently vulnerable when these conflicts erupt. It then revisits the nature of the crises that produce the turn to financialization to show how finance both responds to renewed conflicts and enacts a fundamental transformation in liberal democratic governance. The second half of the book presents three case studies in which one sees vividly how governing for the people, while never fully realized in capitalist democracies, was radically displaced by the shift to financial market constituencies: the bankruptcy of Stockton, California; the investment strategy of the California Public Employees' Retirement System; and the 2008 financial crisis."

This article establishes a theoretical link between the business model of social media and the resurgence of antiliberal populism. Through a novel set of tactics I term "identity biopolitics," political campaigns and foreign governments alike can identify voters as members of socioculturally differentiated populations, then target them with political messages aimed at cultivating voters' awareness of their particular disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. Identity biopolitics exploits a positive feedback loop between targeting and content: the sociocultural differentiations liberalism declares politically irrelevant are used to target content that cultivates awareness of subjects' particular depoliticized disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. The antiliberal populist exploits this condition to drive support for their political program. This article presents case studies of the Internet Research Agency and Cambridge Analytica during the 2016 general election in the United States to demonstrate the symbiosis between social media and antiliberal populism.

Abstract
This article examines the challenges of regulating artificial intelligence (AI) systems and proposes an adapted model of regulation suitable for AI's novel features. Unlike past technologies, AI systems built using techniques like deep learning cannot be directly analyzed, specified, or audited against regulations. Their behavior emerges unpredictably from training rather than intentional design. However, the traditional model of delegating oversight to an expert agency, which has succeeded in high-risk sectors like aviation and nuclear power, should not be wholly discarded. Instead, policymakers must contain risks from today's opaque models while supporting research into provably safe AI architectures. Drawing lessons from AI safety literature and past regulatory successes, effective AI governance will likely require consolidated authority, licensing regimes, mandated training data and modeling disclosures, formal verification of system behavior, and the capacity for rapid intervention.