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Schon zu Lebzeiten ein Kult: Michel Foucault. Die Rezeption seines Werks setzte bereits vor seinem Tod ein und ist bis jetzt, 20 Jahre später, ständig gewachsen. Grund genug für eine Neuauflage des Sammlung Metzler-Bandes zu Foucaults großen Themen "Archäologie des Wissens", "Geneaolgie der Macht" und "Ästhetik der Existenz". Kompaktwissen zur Philosophie Foucaults, die alle Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften geprägt hat!

This Postscript is a summative reply to the many rich and engaging contributions which support, complement, strengthen, advance, further develop and refine, but also critique and question, and at rare times misread, simplify and distort, central tenets of my lead article in this special issue. To best address the most important themes, I briefly rehearse the aim and relevance of the moral argument, show how it normatively guides political support for Ukraine and address the relation between morality and law. I will then turn to the two normative visions at stake in this war, to assess the analysis and status of Dugin's Eurasian ideology, to finally take up the claim for principle-based negotiations to achieve a state of ceasefire and, eventually, lasting peace.

This essay is a reflection on the Ukraine war grounded in moral motives to empathetically support an attacked victim (whether at the individual or national level). It entails a critique of the moral abstraction of the geopolitical perspective and an analysis of Putin's imperial Eurasian ideology, including Dugin's cultural essentialism and the biopolitical strategies of its implementation. Current calls for peace, ceasefire or diplomacy appear problematic in this light. The need to articulate normative principles orienting negotiations with morally acceptable results becomes apparent, as they both justify the use of effective military means of empathetic solidarity and limit the dangers of an unchecked militarization and bellicose attitudes in this conflict.

The essay probes the limits of social ontology as a grounding project for interpretation and explanation in the social sciences. The argument proceeds by challenging the exemplary and influential ontology of John Searle by means of Jim Bohman's hermeneutic approach. While both share the interest in establishing the validity basis of social-scientific claims, Bohman reconstructs in this regard the situated standpoint of the hermeneutic interpreter, in contrast to Searle's building block approach to social reality. A careful analysis of Bohman's argumentation reveals the need for differentiating a variety of interpretive stances, which leads back to important revisions of the intentionality-based social ontology of Searle. The discussion results in the need to ground methodological pluralism in a universal hermeneutics of interpretive capabilities to safeguard the social sciences against relativistic as well as metaphysical challenges.

Abstract
This essay develops the core intuition that we need to transform the objective condition of globalization into a reflexive consciousness of a cosmopolitan connectedness. We require a cosmopolitan self-understanding that allows us to respond in a normatively guided way to objective processes that undermine the usual venues of political will formation. Since our global connectedness in terms of economic and political integration is ongoing and seemingly inevitable, we need a similarly inclusive and global approach to critically respond to the challenge of these unconstrained forces. The proposal is to develop a dialogical cosmopolitanism which is not based on a new meta-level of abstract universal norms, but grounded in agentive capabilities. Hermeneutic capabilities which comprise contextual perspective-taking are introduced, developing shared yet fallible norms, and critically reflecting on the power relations involved. These agent-based capabilities would allow the situated agents themselves to understand the objective forces that define current globalization and provide normative resources for a different, cosmopolitan globalization.

Der Beitrag geht von der Kernthese aus, dass die aktuelle Ausrichtung der Kritischen Theorie auf das Problem der Anerkennung im Sinne von Axel Honneth um eine Analyse der Möglichkeiten reflexiver Selbstbestimmung erweitert werden muss. Der Autor zeigt zunächst, dass Kritische Theorie als "Hermeneutik des gegenwärtigen Subjektseins" verstanden werden kann, da Begriffsbildung und Wertorientierung hier reflexiv aus den historisch-sozialen Situationen gewonnen werden müssen. Dadurch erhalten die sozialen Bedingungen für autonome Subjektivität eine zentrale Bedeutung. Die Überlegungen knüpfen an die Theorie des Subjekts der kritischen Theorie an. Denn in der frühen Frankfurter Schule ist klar, dass das Subjekt ein unaufgebbarer Bezugspunkt für Sozial- und Kulturkritik sein muss, und dass dennoch die Situierung des Subjekts in den gesellschaftlichen Praktiken des Spätkapitalismus und der Kulturindustrie es fragmentiert und destruiert. Gleichzeitig argumentiert Adorno - und mit ihm der Autor - für eine radikale Selbstpositionierung jeden Denkens in den je konkret gegebenen Umständen. Ein Denken, das sich von historischen Bedingungen unabhängig wähnt, wird diesen - nach Adorno - nur umso mehr verfallen. (ICA2)

Democratic politics might be defined as the agonistic struggle of different parties, groups or individuals over resources, recognition and influence under reciprocal and inclusive conditions. It is based on an unconditional orientation to equality as well as freedom of all those involved to consent to - or dissent from - the norms, policies and practices that are established in the process of public dialogue. This article reconstructs the general agent-based capabilities required for a democratically defined public sphere under conditions of globalization. Making capabilities central is intended to correct a certain over-emphasis regarding institutional macro-structures in the discourse on globalization and cosmopolitanism. After setting the stage with a critical analysis of Martha Nussbaum's concept of capabilities, the analysis proceeds in two major steps. In the first part, a notion of hermeneutic agency is introduced that avoids a Foucauldian reduction of agency to power structures, while thoroughly situating agency in a symbolically mediated social context. The symbolic mediation of agency is, in the second part, taken as a ground of potentiality for reflexive capabilities that, once actualized and enacted, allow for a normatively satisfying process of public deliberation. The aim of the analysis is to relate a normative model of value-orientation to the linguistically grounded empirical resources of social agents. The core argument lays out as basic capabilities (1) to be able to normatively orient oneself at contextually defined yet universally open postconventional commitments, (2) to be able to engage in an interpretive and dialogical perspective-taking vis-a-vis differently situated agents and backgrounds, and (3) to be able to critically distance oneself from one's taken-for-granted assumptions and background structures via a power-alert social reflexivity.