Suchergebnisse

The agreements on Next Generation EU and the Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-2027 are extraordinary milestones for the EU integration process. Both regulations not only have important redistributive effects within a defined timeframe, but also have an impact both on the distribution of budgetary authority and competences, e.g. by strengthening conditionality instruments. In doing so, both regulations shape the hierarchy of objectives and the instruments of EU budgetary policies, especially in cohesion policy. This paper analyses the impact of NGEU and the MFF 2021-2027 on the distribution of authority in the EU Multi-Level Governance system. ; Los acuerdos sobre la financiación y las inversiones del plan de recuperación y resiliencia "Next Generation EU" y el Marco Financiero Plurianual 2021-2027 reflejan hitos extraordinarios. Ambos reglamentos no solo tienen efectos redistributivos en un marco temporal definido, sino que también tienen un impacto en la distribución de la autoridad y las competencias presupuestarias de la UE, p.e. reforzando los instrumentos de condicionalidad. Con ello, ambos reglamentos tienen un impacto en las intervenciones públicas de las políticas redistributivas de la UE, sobre todo en la política de cohesión. En este texto se analiza el impacto de NGEU y del MFP 2021-2027 en la distribución de la autoridad en el sistema multinivel de la UE.

Inequality not only has an economic and social dimension, but also a territorial dimension with relevant political implications. The clear regional differences in economic development and employment and therefore in quality of life and opportunities in the European Union (EU) make the social situation increasingly unequal in territorial terms. There seems to be a growing consensus that large and dynamic urban areas are the future, while rural areas are perceived as having low potential. In many EU Member States, populism as a political force seems to grow in these so-called "places that don't matter", in numbers which may create systemic risks. The strengthening of the economic, social and territorial cohesion is one of the Union's main objectives. Already the Treaty of Rome (1957) established mechanisms to foster the economic and social cohesion, but it was not until the Treaty of Lisbon that a third dimension, the territorial cohesion, was introduced. Taking advantage of the tenth anniversary of the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the aim of this text is to analyse the concept and instruments of EU's territorial cohesion policy in order to study the challenges of this policy.

Inequality not only has an economic and social dimension, but also a territorial dimension with relevant political implications. The clear regional differences in economic development and employment and therefore in quality of life and opportunities in the European Union (EU) make the social situation increasingly unequal in territorial terms. There seems to be a growing consensus that large and dynamic urban areas are the future, while rural areas are perceived as having low potential. In many EU Member States, populism as a political force seems to grow in these so-called "places that don't matter", in numbers which may create systemic risks. The strengthening of the economic, social and territorial cohesion is one of the Union's main objectives. Already the Treaty of Rome (1957) established mechanisms to foster the economic and social cohesion, but it was not until the Treaty of Lisbon that a third dimension, the territorial cohesion, was introduced. Taking advantage of the tenth anniversary of the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the aim of this text is to analyse the concept and instruments of EU's territorial cohesion policy in order to study the challenges of this policy. ; En este texto se parte de la premisa de que la desigualdad no solo tiene una dimensión económica y social, sino que también tiene una dimensión territorial con implicaciones políticas relevantes. Las claras diferencias regionales del poder económico y del empleo y por tanto de calidad de vida y oportunidades en la Unión Europea (UE) hacen que la situación social sea cada vez más desigual en términos territoriales. Parece haber un consenso creciente de que las aglomeraciones grandes y dinámicas son el futuro, las zonas rurales se perciben como de bajo potencial. En muchos países, el populismo como fuerza política parece arraigarse en estos llamados "lugares que no importan". No obstante, fortalecer la cohesión económica, social y territorial es uno de los objetivos principales de la UE. Ya el Tratado de Roma (1957) estableció mecanismos para potenciar la cohesión económica y social, pero no fue hasta el Tratado de Lisboa cuando se introduce una tercera dimensión: la cohesión territorial. Aprovechando el décimo aniversario de la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa se pretende revisar las bases y los instrumentos de política de la cohesión territorial de la UE para estudiar los retos de esta política.

Abstract
In this article I argue that the EU budget is (slowly) moving from a budget based on the rationale that richer EU countries help poorer EU countries in exchange for their engagement to the process of economic integration, and because economic development of the EU has positive economic returns for them, to a concept of solidarity based on a different rationale; that all member states and the Union are confronted with the same challenges and risks. In order to support this argument I analyse the development of the different budget headings as well as the increasing flexibility within the budgetary system.
Leaving aside the discussion as to whether this change is considered to be positive or negative, a reform of the own resources system and a stronger involvement of the European Parliament in the negotiation of the Multi Financial Framework would be essential to foster the trend. These reforms, together with an increase in the financial resources available, are necessary if the EU budget is to be reconciled with a solidarity role it should and has to play, in addition to giving the EU the means to properly address current and future challenges.

"Am 24. Mai wurden in 13 von 17 spanischen Regionen die Regionalparlamente und im ganzen Land neue Stadträte und Gemeindevertretungen gewählt. Die Regional- und Kommunalwahlen haben einem politischen Erdbeben gleich die Machtverhältnisse in der Mehrzahl der Kommunen und Regionen verändert." (Autorenreferat)

It is a widely accepted fact that there are considerable advantages in funding research at the EU level, given that research becomes more efficient when it is undertaken on a larger scale. For this reason, the European Commission proposed the MFF 2014–2020 as a tool to contribute to the Europe 2020 Strategy. This new orientation of the EU budget, together with the lessons learned during the economic crisis, seemed to represent, at the forefront of the MFF negotiations, a critical constellation for change in the nature of the communitarian budget and its conversion into a policy instrument. In this paper, I will analyze both the preferences of the main actors in the negotiations and the negotiating process, as well as the design of the Multi-Annual Financial Framework 2014–2020, asking: How far will the MFF 2014–20 contribute to reaching the goals of the Europe 2020 strategy; is there a new direct political and policy link between the EU budget and the goals of the EU 2020 strategy? *****Dr. Mario Kölling, García Pelayo Fellow, Center of Political and Constitutional Studies (CEPC), Plaza de la Marina Española, 9, 28071 Madrid / Spain, mario.koelling@cepc.es.

El debate y los problemas derivados de la crisis económica actual suscitaron interrogantes acerca del futuro de las políticas redistributivas de la UE y la financiación del Marco Financiero Plurianual 2014-2020. En este texto se pretende analizar los instrumentos a disposición de las CC.AA para participar en la negociación del diseño de la futura política de cohesión y de la Política Agraria Común de la Unión Europea, además de revisar el funcionamiento de los mecanismos de coordinación entre los distintos niveles de gobierno implicados en un proceso de negociación que tanta trascendencia presentaba para las CC.AA. ; The negotiation of the Multiannual Financial Framework 2014-2020 was an outstanding topic on the agenda of the EU during the last few years, on which also sub national units tried to have a say. In this paper I analyse the instruments available for the Autonomous Communities to participate in the design of the future cohesion policy and common agriculture policy. By analysing this participation we will as k how this institutional framework has evolved during the past years and if the Autonomous Communities could forward their preferences in the negotiation process ; 1. INTRODUCCIÓN 2. MARCO TEÓRICO PARA EL ANÁLISIS DE LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE LAS ENTIDADES SUBESTATALES EN ASUNTOS EUROPEOS 3. LAS POSICIONES DE LAS CCAA CON RESPECTO A LA POLÍTICA DE COHESIÓN Y LA PAC 2014-2020 4. LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE LAS CC.AA EN LA NEGOCIACIÓN DEL MFP 2014-2020 4.1. La participación a nivel doméstico; 4.1.1 La participación bilateral; 4.1.2 La participación multilateral; 4.2 La Participación a nivel europeo. 5. CONCLUSIONES

"Die gegenwärtige wirtschafts- und Schuldenkrise hat erhebliche Auswirkungen auf das spanische Staatsmodell. Zum einen verstärken sich im Zuge von Strukturreformen und zur Haushaltskonsolidierung Zentralisierungstendenzen. Zum anderen nehmen durch die Verteilungskonflikte die zentrifugalen Kräfte im Land deutlich zu. Die Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit einzelner Regionen wird stärker politisch artikuliert." (Autorenreferat)