Suchergebnisse

For many years, the Baltic Sea region stood out for its remarkable stability. The dramatic changes following the end of the Cold War did not have a profound effect on the territory. However, Russia's cooperation with other states in the Baltic Sea region began to lose momentum. This paper discusses the negative effects of the Ukrainian and Syrian crises and the increasing tension between Russia and other countries in the Baltic Sea region. In the short term, these trends are unlikely to reverse. Of the two possible scenarios suspending relations until a solution to the political and military problems is found or trying to make use of every opportunity in economy, culture, science, education, etc., the latter is preferable. A breakdown in regional cooperation will weaken Russia's position. However, gaining positive momentum may prove instrumental in overcoming the confrontation between Russia and the West in the future.

Abstract
The research problem scrutinized in this article is the identification of the factors that led to the formation within the Soviet bloc of a particular relationship between the hegemonic state – the ussr – and the smallest one – Albania. This study, based primarily on documents from Soviet archives, examines the causes for the emergence and growth of differences between the ussr and Albania, spanning the period from the death of Stalin to the open showdown at the meetings of the Communist Parties in Bucharest in 1960. Tirana embarked on the path of distancing itself from the Soviet Union, gradually drifting towards China, and began laying the foundation for its own special model of socialism. As a result, by the beginning of the 1960s, differences reached such a level that Soviet-Albanian conflict became inevitable.

The article analyses the main trends in the development of modern Europe in the context of the world crisis and the profound transformation of international relations based on the collective monograph "Europe in a Crisis World" edited by Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences Al.A. Gromyko. A wide range of problems is considered, including Europe's place in the emerging new balance of power in the world and the strengthening of decentralisation and regional integration processes, the strengths and weaknesses of the European strategy to counter the coronavirus pandemic, the new configuration that has emerged in Europe due to Britain's withdrawal from the EU and the development of integration processes in the post-Soviet space. A particular emphasis is given to the complexity and contradictory processes in Europe's economic and social spheres, calling into question the likelihood of deepening integration within the EU. The problems of European security and the prospects of relations between Russia and the West, including European associations and states, are considered separately.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures, Maps and Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction to Russia's Foreign Policy -- Russia today -- Introducing some key definitions -- Russia's past 125 years: A snapshot -- Russia's political and economic systems today -- Assessing Russia's political and economic system -- Five reasons why Russian foreign policy matters -- How we study foreign policy -- Conclusion -- Summary -- Glossary -- Review questions -- 2 The Evolution of Russian Foreign Policy -- The growth of the Russian state: Milestones and highlights -- Foreign policy of the Russian Empire -- Foreign policy of the Soviet Union -- The Cold War -- Foreign policy reconsidered -- Foreign policy: Events and challenges -- Conclusion -- Summary -- Glossary -- Review questions -- 3 Institutions and Decision-Makers in Russian Foreign Policy -- Historical background -- Present day: Foreign policy management -- The President and the Kremlin -- Other executive institutions -- The legislative branch -- The judicial branch -- Interactions between government and nongovernment structures -- Conclusion -- Summary -- Glossary -- Review questions -- 4 Players and Processes -- On Russia's political ideologies -- Foreign policy and the domestic political climate -- Carriers of ideology: Russian power elites -- The Putin factor in Russia's foreign policy -- Ruling elites and their foreign policy interests -- Political parties and foreign policy -- Political experts -- Conclusion -- Summary -- Glossary -- Review questions -- 5 Principles and Strategies -- Foreign policy principles: An evolution -- Specific principles -- Goals of foreign policy -- Regional priorities -- Conclusion -- Summary -- Glossary -- Review questions -- 6 Russian Policies toward Post-Soviet States -- Key motivations of Russia's foreign policy in the post-Soviet space.

Over the two decades of post-Soviet history of modern Russia, its foreign policy has gone through several distinct periods and long-term trends.


The periodization of the new Russia's foreign policy includes a "romantic" or "Kozyrev's" period, during which the leaders of a democratic Russia tried to integrate the country into a system of institutions and partnerships with the leading Western states. Kozyrev's departure from his post as foreign minister in January 1996 and the arrival of a new foreign minister, who would later become the Prime Minister, a "political heavyweight" of modern Russia Yevgeny Primakov, marked a change in the strategic direction of the country's foreign policy. The key definition of this period was "multipolarity."


The arrival of Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin in early 2000, marked a new stage in the development of Russia's diplomacy. At first it was characterized by attempts to build relations of partnership on an equal footing with Washington and NATO countries in the anti-terrorist coalition, and then, from about 2003, by a gradual build up of contradictions between Russia and the United States. During this period (2000-2008) a special feature of Russia's foreign policy was its increased assertiveness in relation to the neighboring CIS countries. After the election of Dmitry Medvedev as president in March 2008 Russia has been busy searching for a new strategy for its foreign policy, which would retain some of the achievements of previous periods, but would also be more cooperative toward the leading nations of the world. Such policy should create a favorable external climate for the modernization of Russia's political system and its national economy.

The purpose of the article is to study the state of the modern political elite in the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe, to identify the main trends in its development and the role of personal factors based on the analysis carried out by the authors of the collective monograph of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Generally, the transition in Central European countries from socialism to capitalism successfully took place, and the line of integration into the Western world prevailed. However, among the countries' ruling circles, there are both supporters of total acceptance of the rules established in Brussels and those who seek to preserve greater independence for their countries within European and Euro-Atlantic structures. These contradictions are serious but surmountable due to the already established political institutions in these countries and some experience of political compromises. In South-Eastern Europe, the transition to capitalism was more complex, accompanied by acute national conflicts. It is currently complicated by a de facto suspension of these countries' accession to the EU. The result is a more diverse composition of the elite in this region compared to Central Europe — former communists, military men, and nationalists are significantly more numerous here. The situation is aggravated by the weakness of political institutions and the elites' inability, and sometimes unwillingness, to seek solutions to problems through compromises. Particularly noteworthy are the biographies of R. Erdogan and A. Tsipras, who tried (the first successfully, the second not) to implement radical changes in the political life of their countries. Politicians from all considered countries focusing on national characteristics and traditional values generally have significant potential. It would be advisable for Russia to analyze the successes and failures in relations with the Central and South-Eastern European countries in recent decades and learn from this experience for future policy.