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In recent years, violence by and against the police has been examined from the perspective of organizational accident theory. This article extends that work by reviewing some key ideas, identifying some limitations of organizational accident theory for understanding police-involved violence, and detailing some specific research topics for future empirical exploration. It concludes by offering some specific policy and practice recommendations to reduce police-involved violence.

Police researchers have largely ignored the role thatorganizational and environmental factors play indetermining how officers behave during interactions withcitizens. This has resulted in a body of policing knowledgethat contains little information about how and whypolice practices are affected by features of the agenciesofficers work for and forces outside police departments.This article points out the consequences of this dearth ofknowledge for understanding what the police do andwhy they do it, reviews the limited literature onorganizational and environmental determinants of policeactivity, and calls for a research program that views interfacebetween police organizations and their environments asa central question.

Police researchers have largely ignored the role that organizational & environmental factors play in determining how officers behave during interactions with citizens. This has resulted in a body of policing knowledge that contains little information about how & why police practices are affected by features of the agencies officers work for & forces outside police departments. This article points out the consequences of this dearth of knowledge for understanding what the police do & why they do it, reviews the limited literature on organizational & environmental determinants of police activity, & calls for a research program that views interface between police organizations & their environments as a central question. 55 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2004.]

The recent renaissance of ecological research in criminology has brought with it a renewed interest in the relationship between crime and social control in local communities. While several researchers have noted that the police are a critical part of the community crime‐control puzzle, there is very little research and no theory that addresses variation in police behavior across physical space. In an attempt to further understand police operations in local communities, this article offers a theory that explains how levels of crime and other forms of social deviance in communities affect police action. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the theory for understanding how police behavior varies across physical space and how crime patterns develop and are sustained in local communities.

A recent study of police behavior using data collected in Dade County, Florida, found that citizen demeanor is a spurious correlate of arrest in light of control for criminal conduct (Klinger, 1994). This finding calls into question the long‐standing belief that hostility directly increases the odds of arrest in police‐citizen encounters. Responding to this research, Lundman (1994) reanalyzed data used in several previous studies that had reported hostility effects. His reanalysis offered limited support for a demeanor‐arrest link. Because the measures of demeanor he used and the models he estimated were somewhat different from those Klinger had used and estimated, Lundman suggested that it would be valuable to revisit the Dade County data to see whether Klinger's null finding regarding hostility effects might be artifactual. This study reanalyzes the Dade County data. It indicates that one of four measures of demeanor is a significant net correlate of arrest under some circumstances. The implications of this finding are discussed.

It is a criminological axiom that displays of hostility by citizens towards police officers directly increase the odds of arrest in police‐citizen encounters. This axiom rests on nearly three decades of observational research of interactions between police officers and citizens. Two features of this work, however, raise questions about the validity of findings that citizen demeanor independently affects police arrest decisions. First, although demeanor is conceptually defined as legally permissible behavior, measures of demeanor often include criminal conduct. Second, criminal conduct is not controlled adequately when the effects of demeanor on arrest are estimated. In an analysis employing a demeanor measure that does not confound crime and that controls for crime more comprehensively, it is found that displays of hostility which violate no laws do not increase the likelihood of arrest in and of themselves. The implications of this finding are discussed.

Several recent studies have used records of calls‐for‐service (CFS) to police 911 centers to measure crime at the address, neighborhood, and city level. This article examines the limitations of this "new" indicator of crime. After pointing out several types of error in dispatch records, we use data from an observational study of policing in 60 neighborhoods to examine empirically how these errors might bias CFS‐based crime counts and discuss the consequences of such bias. We conclude with suggestions for future research on the validity of CFS as an indicator of crime.

Recent studies of police response to violence in which men attack women with whom they have a history of shared intimacy have not addressed the issue that inspired research in the first place: the "leniency thesis" that police treat men who beat their spouses less punitively than other violent offenders. In addition, research examining the deterrent effects of various police treatments of misdemeanor domestic violence is not responsive to complaints that abused women are denied protection of law when they have been victims of serious, felony‐grade, abuse by their spouses. This research analyzes the response of the Chester, Pennsylvania, police to 392 consecutively reported felony‐grade assaults by persons whose identities were known to victims and police. Results confirm the leniency thesis. Tabular analysis demonstrates that arrests occurred in 13% of male‐on‐female spousal assaults and 28% of other assaults. Logit analysis indicates that this difference in police response is not attributable to other variables that might be expected to result in differential treatment. We conclude that the practices and results reported by research conducted in progressive police jurisdictions that volunteer to participate in studies of police response to violence against women may not be generalizable to the great majority of U.S. police agencies that have not welcomed such study.

Objectives: We evaluated the Fatal Encounters (FE) database as an open-source surveillance system for tracking police-related deaths (PRDs).Methods: We compared the coverage of FE data to several known government sources of police-related deaths and police homicide data. We also replicated incident selection from a recent review of the National Violent Death Reporting System.Results: FE collected data on n = 23,578 PRDs from 2000–2017. A pilot study and ongoing data integration suggest greater coverage than extant data sets. Advantages of the FE data include circumstance of death specificity, incident geo-locations, identification of involved police-agencies, and near immediate availability of data. Disadvantages include a high rate of missingness for decedent race/ethnicity, potentially higher rates of missing incidents in older data, and the exclusion of more comprehensive police use-of-force and nonlethal use-of-force data—a critique applicable to all extant data sets.Conclusions: FE is the largest collection of PRDs in the United States and remains as the most likely source for historical trend comparisons and police-department level analyses of the causes of PRDs.

Objectives: We evaluated the Fatal Encounters (FE) database as an open-source surveillance system for tracking police-related deaths (PRDs).Methods: We compared the coverage of FE data to several known government sources of police-related deaths and police homicide data. We also replicated incident selection from a recent review of the National Violent Death Reporting System.Results: FE collected data on n = 23,578 PRDs from 2000–2017. A pilot study and ongoing data integration suggest greater coverage than extant data sets. Advantages of the FE data include circumstance of death specificity, incident geo-locations, identification of involved police-agencies, and near immediate availability of data. Disadvantages include a high rate of missingness for decedent race/ethnicity, potentially higher rates of missing incidents in older data, and the exclusion of more comprehensive police use-of-force and nonlethal use-of-force data—a critique applicable to all extant data sets.Conclusions: FE is the largest collection of PRDs in the United States and remains as the most likely source for historical trend comparisons and police-department level analyses of the causes of PRDs.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction: Police Ethics after Ferguson -- Part I. The Role of Police -- 1. Clashing Narratives of Policing? -- 2. Legitimate Policing and Professional Norms -- 3. Reward and "Real" Police Work -- Part II. Use of Force -- 4. Soldiers and Police -- 5. When Police Do Not Need to Kill -- 6. Prioritization of Life as a Guiding Principle for Police Use of Deadly Force -- Part III. Race, Bias, and Resistance -- 7. Policing Narratives in the Black Counterpublic -- 8. Police Ethics through Presidential Politics and Abolitionist Struggle -- Part IV. Policing's Past and Future -- 9. Police and Slave Patrols -- 10. From Protection to Predation -- 11. Police, Drones, and the Politics of Perception -- 12. Predictive Policing and the Ethics of Preemption -- Acknowledgments -- About the Editors -- About the Contributors -- Index