Suchergebnisse

Jerzy Niezbrzycki (born 1901/2 – died 1968) was a key figure in Polish intelligence during the Polish Second Republic. After WWII, he lived abroad where he engaged widely in the analysis of Soviet affairs and published under the pen name of Ryszard Wraga. His unfinished memoirs written in English not only illuminate the battle between Polish and Soviet intelligence before WWII but also suggest that even the most experienced foreign intelligence operatives like Niezbrzycki were misled by elaborate Soviet disinformation.

Does the Donbas represent the stronghold of Russian separatism? Since Russia's military intervention in the Donbas (following its occupation of the Crimea), this view of the Donbas as un-Ukrainian or anti-Ukrainian has gained wide circulation in and outside Ukraine. Yet it is patently wrong. In the Donbas, there have never been ethnic, linguistic, or religious (sectarian) conflicts to speak of, nor did its population consistently manifest strong pro-Russian or pro-Union sentiments. True, such sentiments existed in the Donbas, like elsewhere in much of Dnieper Ukraine, but they never dominated the political scene of the Donbas. Instead, until the twenty-first century this region always tended to be anti-imperialist and anti-metropolitan. What is remarkable is that in 1991 the Donbas overwhelmingly supported the independence of Ukraine. What followed in the wake of Ukraine's independence was an attempt by the Donbas power holders, in particular Viktor Yanukovych, to take over all of Ukraine. Moscow helped this attempt, which failed ultimately. The "free steppe" of the Donbas undeniably attracted, among others, radical Russian nationalists from outside and provided them with space for action. It is this historical characteristic of the Donbas as the "free steppe" that has colored the popular view of this region as a stronghold of Russian separatism. In the rest of Ukraine, a strong prejudice against the Donbas as a culturally dark region has only helped to boost this popular misconception.

Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.19 2014: 49-55