Suchergebnisse

The book describes the fate of Poles in the German Imperial Army during the First World War. Poland did not exist for over a hundred years on the political map of Europe at that time, and the Poles had to fight for the opposite sides of the conflict: Germany, Austria, and Russia. In the German army, regiments recruited in Poznań, Upper Silesia, Masuria, and Eastern Pomerania were considered as "Polish." They were sent to the Western front and participated in the great battles of Arras, Verdun, and the Somme. Poles were also present on the Eastern front, in the Balkans, on the Italian front, and even in the colonies. An important part of the forgotten history of Poles in the Kaiser's army was the relationship between Polish soldiers and German officers. In regiments recruited on the Polish soil, it was common to use the Polish language, and from 1917 Poles deserted to the Polish Army formed in France.

Ryszard Kaczmarek ; aus dem Polnischen übersetzt von Andreas R. Hofmann ; Literaturverzeichnis Seite 196-244 ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- AD 2017.1013

Das Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges in Oberschlesien war weniger ein singuläres Ereignis, sondern stellte vielmehr einen Prozeß dar, der sich in zwei unterschiedliche Phasen gliederte: (1) die Auflösung der während des Zweiten Weltkrieges gebildeten deutschen Verwaltung und die Evakuierung der Bevölkerung durch die deutsche Verwaltung; (2) die Entstehung einer neuen Macht, die zunächst mit einer spontanen und, nach der Potsdamer Konferenz, mit einer organisierten Aussiedlung von Deutschen sowie dem Beginn der Verifizierungs- und Rehabilitationsaktion gekoppelt war. Die diese beiden Phasen beherrschenden Entwicklungen und Probleme werden dargestellt und analysiert. Es wird deutlich, daß das Jahr 1945 für die Oberschlesier zwar die Befreiung von der Nazidiktatur bedeutete, aber leider nicht gleichzeitig das Ende einer totalitären Epoche markierte. (ICA)

Following the decision to divide Upper Silesia between Germany and Poland, detailed regulations were established according to which individual counties were supposed to be taken over by both states. Major celebrations on the German side were held in the summer of 1922 in Opole, where the official assumption of control over the German Upper Silesia by the government of the German Reich took place. The legality of the actions undertaken in the Upper Silesia by the victorious western states was undermined and postulates were put forward to peacefully revise the course of the border established in the wake of the plebiscite and the Silesian Uprisings. In his article, the author presents this issue, as seen from the perspective of the then German press.

38Gesellschaftlicher Widerstand: die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Streiks in Polen und im oberschlesischen Industriebezirk nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1944–1970)ARTICLES Ryszard KACZMAREK Kazimierz MIROSZEWSKIerwies. Giereks Herrschaftsmodell in Oberschlesien unterschied sich von den in anderen Teilen Polens geltenden Regierungsstrategien, in denen es aufgrund von Mangel an Finanzmitteln und politischer Willenskraft nicht möglich war, einen "Wohlfahrtsstaat" aufzubauen. Es waren also erst die Ereignisse von 1980 an der polnischen Küste, die die Arbeiterstreiks in Oberschlesien mit seinen Kohlengruben und Eisenhütten wieder auslösten und sich rasch in die meisten Industrieanlagen in der Region ausbreiteten. In Anbetracht der Bedeutung, die der oberschlesische Industrieregion für ganz Polen hatte, wäre der Erfolg der Solidarität von 1980 ohne die oberschlesischen Streikaktionen nicht möglich gewesen.SchlüsselwörterOberschlesien, Streik, sozialer Widerstand, Volksrepublik Polen, Edward GierekAbstractThe backgrounds of workers strikes in the Polish communist era varied, depending on which historical period they were taking place in. In Upper Silesia, their specificity was additionally more acute due the heavy industry concentration in the region and vast numbers of workers. In Polish historiography of the post-1945 era it has become quite common to treat the strikes almost solely as elements of social resistance against the powers that be. What has frequently been overlooked is that social resistance is a broader phenomenon, as a rule defined as any spontaneous, unorganized and unguided protest against an imposed political and/or ideological order, usually bound up with defence of traditional values. Strikes constitute but one part of such protests; what is more, only a segment of them was of a political nature. The authors of the present article analyse the impact that workers strikes which had occurred in Poland's largest industrial region exerted on the situation of the Polish People's Republic (PRL).During the 1940s and at the beginning of the 1950s the Upper Silesian industrial region (Polish: GOP) was the centre of the resistance movement. The year 1956, when a special system of privileges and incentives was put forth for workers in the heavy industry sector, marked the end of social strikes in Upper Silesia for nearly two decades, in contrast to what was happening at the time in other parts of Poland. The system is now popularly identified with the figure of Edward Gierek, who was the first secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party. Gierek's system can be compared to the Hungarian Kadarism or the GDR model proposed by Erich Honecker which proved quite effective up until the 1980s. Gierek's model of rule in Upper Silesia differed from governmental strategies in force in other parts of Poland, where due to both a lack of financial means and political willpower it was not possible to build a veritable 'welfare state'. It was only the 1980 events on the Polish coast that ignited the workers strikes in Upper Silesia and its coal mines and ironworks, quickly spreading to most of industrial plants in the region. Considering the significance of the Upper Silesian industrial region for the whole of Poland, without these Silesian strikes the 1980 success of Solidarity would not have been possible.