Suchergebnisse

The aim of the article is to analyze the specifics of archival and museum activities of Ukrainian emigrants of the 20s - 30s of the XX century and finding out the essenсe and reasons for their differences of opinion on the preservation of Ukrainian archival heritage.
The phenomenon of Ukrainian interwar emigration was a unique phenomenon in Ukrainian history and culture given the importance of its functioning in all spheres - state, political, cultural. Characterizing the conditions and specifics of the second wave of Ukrainian emigration, it should be noted that it was complicated by material shortages and lack of consolidated unity, which led to the confrontation of certain groups in solving various problems of everyday emigration.
Based on the analysis of published and out-of-date archival materials, the article concludes that there was no common vision in the circles of Ukrainian interwar emigration on the protection of national monuments, which caused confrontation between its separate groups. The causes of the conflict largely lay in the party affiliation of the conflicting parties (the Petliurists, represented by the State Center of the Ukrainian People's Republic in exile and the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionaries), through whose prism the preservation of Ukrainian monuments was considered. Party interests were placed above national ones, resulting in a lack of understanding and a loss of unity of Ukrainian patriotic forces.

The literary and scientific heritage of the leaders of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood are analyzed in the article. The place of church themes and socio-cultural activities of the leaders of the Ukrainian Church is determined in this works. A comparative analysis of the creative work of P. Kulish and M. Kostomarov in the field of presentation and evaluation of individual figures of the senior Ukrainian clergy is done. It was concluded that history of the Ukrainian Church is largely represented in their works, but the disclosure of church themes in the creative work of each of the authors had its own peculiarities.
The historical works of P. Kulish of the early period reflected the creative pursuits of the members of the Kyiv-Methodius Brotherhood and were typical of their environment. P. Kulish expressed his own view on the role of the clergy in history through the prism of the heroes of the Black Council, in particular, the priest I. Shram, as an important factor in Ukrainian cultural and state-building processes. At the same time, the evolution of P. Kulish's views led him to the idea of a dual Russia, in the light of which the writer's positive assessment was mainly received by those church figures who contributed to it.
Unlike P. Kulish, who did not deal with history of the Church in Ukraine, M. Kostomarov became the first secular researcher who created its holistic concept. The archpastoral activities and literary works of prominent clergy of the XVII century from Petro Mohyla to Dimitri Tuptal are analyzed in his series "Russian history in the biographies of its main figures" as so as their influence on Ukrainian and Russian culture is emphasized. Therefore, M. Kostomarov can rightly be considered one of the creators of the Ukrainian secular historiography of the history of the Church, the main merit of which is the creation in this area of separate monographs and numerous studies of a biographical nature.

The aim of the article is to clarify the essence of the main forms of inter-confessional confrontation in Ukraine among Christian churches and to find ways to counteract them in order to religiously and nationally consolidate Ukrainian society. Conflictogenic factors influencing the interfaith confrontation in modern Ukraine have been identified. There are two main groups of interfaith conflicts, each of which has special forms of interfaith confrontation and different phases of their severity: conflicts between Orthodoxy and other denominations; conflicts in the Orthodox environment.
It is substantiated that with the restoration of the Ukrainian Churches during the rise of Ukrainian independence in the 90s of the twentieth century. interfaith relations have become more acute, which is associated with both the split of Ukrainian Orthodoxy and the actualization of the long-standing conflict between Orthodoxy and the revived Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. The reasons for the confrontation in the Orthodox environment were conflicts of corporate interests between individual Orthodox church institutions, different views of each of them on the principles of the unification process and a radically opposite understanding of canonicity. The formation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, although integrating the interests of the two Orthodox denominations (UOC KP and UAOC), at the same time did not eliminate inter-confessional contradictions with the UOC within the Moscow Patriarchate.
It is concluded that the realities of Ukrainian church life encourage an active search for ways to counteract interfaith confrontation, a key aspect of which should be the establishment of a new format of socio-religious communication in the coordinates "Church-Church", "Church-State", "Church-Society". In a practical sense, effective means of its implementation can be: interfaith dialogue, building the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, countering Russian ideological aggression, strengthening the role of the media in overcoming religious threats.

The essence of opposition of the Ukrainian church elite to the Russian centralism of the Synodal period (1721-1786) and analyzes its role in defending the rights and interests of the Orthodox Church are described in the article. The formation of Synod in 1721 opened in a new period in the history of the Orthodox Church in the Russian Empire, and in Ukraine in particular. The task of this institution, established on the European model, was to unify church life and to offset its local features according to the program outlined by the Spiritual Regulation at the behest of Peter I. The activities of Synod came into sharp contradiction with the privileges of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine, which it continued to enjoy from the time of its subordination to the Moscow Patriarchate. The Metropolitan of Kyiv was deprived of its decisive status, and its superiors - the title of Metropolitan and the right of free election. The restoration of these rights became the main task for the Ukrainian church elite. Under the reign of Empress Anna Ioanivna, the clergy made a major effort to restore the economic rights of the Church, undermined by the release of Hetman Danylo Apostol in 1728, which, however, were fruitless. The reign of Empress Elizabeth began a new era in the autonomous aspirations of the Ukrainian church elite. In response to the petition of Kyiv Bishop Rafail Zaborovskyi, the Metropolitanate of Kyiv was returned to its former status, and ts head - the title of Metropolitan. At the same time, the attempts to restitute the clergy property rights, as so as the restoration of the jurisdiction of the Kyiv Metropolitanate were unsuccessful. The reign of Catherine II, whose main purpose was the complete centralization in all spheres of the Russian Empire and the secularization of church property, became the most difficult and acute period of confrontation with the Russian imperial regime. The Ukrainian church elite, headed by Metropolitan of Kyiv Arsenii Mohylianskyi, tried to use the preparation of the New Code Commission to assert its rights. This has been proven by petitions to restore the status of the Kyiv Metropolitanate and clergy rights. However, the Commission did not complete its activities and the relicts of the autonomy of the Ukrainian elites were finally buried.

The topicality of the article is motivated by the present situation of Ukraine under conditions of Russian military and information aggression and of the active spread in the information space of the aggressive concept of the "Russian world". The purpose of the article is to investigate the causes and essence of conflict processes in Ukrainian Orthodoxy, in particular, to analyze the role of the Russian centralism in them in the past and in contemporary realities. It is determined that the causes of conflicts in the sphere of Ukrainian Orthodoxy aч re largely related to the act of ecclesiastical submission to the Moscow Patriarchate in 1686. The situation of Ukraine under conditions of Russian military and informational aggression, in which the church matters also played an important role, refer to the exploration of Russian centralism as a conflict factor for Ukrainian Orthodoxy. The actual character of the issue is also determined by the modern planting in the information space of the aggressive theory of the "Russian world" as well as the necessity to find the ways for consolidation of the Ukrainian society, in particular in the sphere of interconfessional relations. In order to weaken the opposition of the Ukrainian ecclesiastical superiors to imperial centralism, the Russian government deliberately resorted to incitement between the secular and the ecclesiastical elites. Such measures were taken by Empress Anna Ioanovna, who ordered Prince Oleksii Shakhovskyi, the ruler of Little Russia at that time to persuade the Cossack elders secretly to protest against the giving of land possession to the Church. In the same way the Empress Catherine II acted and consciously orientated the ruler of the Little Russia Earl Piotr Rumiantsev to support conflicts between the Ukrainian nobility and clergy according to the principle "divide et impera" (divide and rule). Contemporary Russian information aggression has revealed various forms of propaganda in Ukrainian society, one of which is the project of the "Russian world". A major point in overcoming the influence of the Russian neoimperial factor in Ukrainian society as well as the contemporary conflicts on the level of Ukrainian Orthodoxy is the development of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine founded a result of the age-old aspirations of Ukrainian society for church unity. The important steps for strengthening if the church unity were outlined by the Bishops' Council of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine convened on December 14, 2019.

The article analyzes the major milestones in history of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine. The main attention is pay to the first century of colonial state of the Church, from the time when the Kyiv Metropolitanate was subordinated to the Moscow Patriarchate in 1686 until the act of secularization of church lands in 1786. During that time the Ukrainian church elite defended her rights and interests in the conditions of Russian centralism. In particular, the attempts of higher clergy to preserve the traditional canonical jurisdiction of Church in Constantinople patriarchy as so as the actions of elite in protecting the interests of church institutions in the conditions of subordination to the Moscow Patriarchate (1686-1720) and advocacy of legal rights and property of the Orthodox Church in Synodal period (1721-1786) are considered in the abstract form. It is concluded that the century in Ukrainian history since the subordination of the Kyiv Metropolitanate of Moscow Patriarchate in 1686 to the act of secularization of church lands in 1786 marked the opposition of the Ukrainian ecclesiastical elite to Russian centralism and the attempt to defend traditional rights and interests of the Orthodox Church in various forms. The success of the struggle of the Ukrainian church elite for its rights directly depended on the interests and tastes of the Russian ruling circles, as well as on the support of the secular elite and the heads of the Hetmanate. It is noted that since the independence of Ukraine, a negotiation process between the three branches of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine - the UOC-MP, the UOC-KP, and the UAOC, has begun which was held with varying success. The lack of effective agreements on the creation of a single Ukrainian Local Orthodox Church was associated with different views of each of the parties of the principles of the unification process and their different understanding of canonicality. The significance of the agreement reached by the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko on the provision by the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine Tomos of autocephaly and the creation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Local Church are stressed. This will begin a new stage in the history of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine - a return to free development
of the Stavropig of the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

The article analyzes the peculiarities of Hrihorii Skovoroda's intellectual communications, based on the materials of his correspondence with secular and church elites. It is noted that the epistolary legacy of Skovoroda as a student of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, reflects the basic principles of the educational process of this institution. The writer's correspondence known today includes more than 125 letters, the largest part of which is correspondence with M. Kovalynskyi (79 letters). Analysis of H. Skovoroda's correspondence allows us to single out certain features of it: 1). Household details and biographical aspects occupy an insignificant place in the letters, their main content is philosophical and ethical ideas and instructional instructions. 2). Almost all ancient Greek mythology is present in the letters. The thinker often compared his friends with ancient characters. 3). The educator's correspondence contains a lot of poetical inserts, which later became part of separate collections. 4). Letters are written, as a rule, in a mixed (hybrid) language, most often it is a combination of Russian, Latin and Greek. It is emphasized that the epistolary heritage of H. Skovoroda demonstrates the activities of the Kharkiv Collegium as an eloquent example of active contacts between Ukrainian church and secular elites. Sources reveal close personal and written communication of H. Skovoroda with many spiritual persons involved in the collegium: Archimandrite Hervasii Yakubovych, Rector Iov Bazylevych, Prefect Lavrentii Kordet and especially with the Bishop of Belgorod and Oboyan Ioasaf Mytkevych. In general, H. Skovoroda's correspondence with secular and spiritual persons, representatives of the academic school of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, is an indicative manifestation of the functioning of the "Mohyla intellectual space".

The aim of the article is to try to find out the attitude of Christian denominations in Ukraine to the Russian-Ukrainian war in eastern Ukraine as a manifestation of their religious and national identity. External risks for modern Ukrainian society require in-depth scientific analysis of this issue, in particular in sphere of religious relations. Russia's military and ideological aggression has become a marker of the social identity and civilizational choice of Christian denominations. It clearly revealed the position of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate as a structural part of the Russian Orthodox Church and a powerful tool for implementing the policy and ideology of the "Russian world" in Ukraine. Factually, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate represents the interests of the Russian Orthodox Church as it adheres to its guidelines for Ukraine to be in the sphere of Russian geo-confessional interests. This is evidenced by the dominance of the Russian language in worship, sermons, educational institutions, publishing. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate has not even formally condemned the Russian intervention so far, nor has it recognized Russia as an aggressor. On the contrary, some priests of the Church openly promote Russian aggression and call for the violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity. The temples of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate in Donbas serve as weapons depots for Russian troops, and Russian terrorists openly serve the Moscow Patriarchate. The attitude of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyiv Patriarchate / Orthodox Church of Ukraine, Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church and other Ukrainian Churches to Russian aggression determines their patriotic pro- Ukrainian position. This is most eloquently characterized by the institute of chaplaincy, which thіs Churches actively supply with their staff.

The article clarifies the role of the leading Orthodox institutions of Ukraine – the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate – in the conditions of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine. It was noted that the war became a powerful catalyst for the national identification and civilizational choice of the institutions of Ukrainian Orthodoxy, the positions of which were finally polarized by the full-scale invasion of Russian troops.It was concluded that the Orthodox Church of Ukraine in the conditions of war sees its role primarily in the continuous supply of chaplains for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. They perform the functions of meeting the spiritual and religious needs of Ukrainian soldiers, providing them with the necessary supplies, and social and psychological assistance. The church provides charitable assistance to Ukrainian families whose homes were destroyed by the occupiers. The social initiative of the Foundation of Metropolitan Epiphany regarding the construction of temporary housing for residents of the Kyiv region is aimed at this.The presentation of Ukrainian autocephaly in the world was the representation of the OCU in the assembly of the World Council of Churches in October 2022, which was strengthened by the resolution condemning Russian aggression.The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate takes an ambiguous position regarding the war. The environment of this institution became significantly polarized with the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Russian troops. On the one hand, its hierarchs in the East and South of Ukraine support the invasion of Russian troops and mobilization, fake referendums, and actively collaborate with the occupiers. At the same time, another part of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate is trying to clearly and unambiguously distance itself from the Russian Orthodox Church. The group of archpriest Andrii Pinchuk, who became one of the initiators of collecting signatures for an international church tribunal against Patriarch Kirill. In order to stop the split in the Church, the Council of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate adopted a decision on "independence and independence" from the Russian Church. Analyzing the decisions of the Council, the leaders of the Orthodox Church ofUkraine commented on them as a "smoke screen", in fact a mimicry of independence from the Russian Orthodox Church.

The investigation is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of volunteering in modern Ukraine. Today all kinds, types and forms of volunteering, which are involved in the public space of both the warring country and the world complimentary to it, deserve close attention, support and study. This is, in particular, because it is the large-scale volunteer movement that is important along with the activities of the Armed Forces a component of the approaching Ukrainian Victory in the fight against Putin's totalitarian regime. The authors of the article pay special attention to the female component of volunteer activity, since the women of Ukraine have become the main volunteer force in helping the Armed Forces and victims of Russia's aggression against the Ukrainian nation and state. The volunteer movement has become the main formative factor of the developed civil society on the territory of modern Ukraine. Despite of the great interest in the study of volunteering in Ukraine and abroad, existing in the domestic socio-humanitarian discourse, a certain corpus of texts has already been created. It is worth admitting that scientists do not have time to analyze all the variety of manifestations of volunteer activity, its specific characteristics in various aspects, in particular, and what concerns gender component of the problem. The purpose of this investigation is to analyze the specifics of the phenomenon of female volunteerism during Ukraine's war with the Russian aggressor as an effective component of this struggle and the approach of Ukrainian Victory. The research is conducted with an emphasis on the socio-philosophical and philosophical-worldview basis. Such a phenomenon as "intellectual volunteering" deserves special attention of scientists, the analysis of which is planned to be devoted special attention in a future study.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of the functioning of Buddhist and neo- Buddhist movements in the conditions of the war in Ukraine. It is noted that the modernization of Ukrainian culture, which is accompanied by the development of post-secular trends, manifests itself not only in the revival and transformation of religious beliefs traditional for our people, but also in the spread of non-traditional and neo-religious teachings and movements, among which Buddhism and Neo-Buddhism occupy a special place. The revival of Buddhism in Ukraine in the 90s of the last century took place mainly with the mediation of Russia. In the situation that developed at that time, Buddhism acted as a kind of "agent" of Russian cultural expansion. In the conditions of the war against rashism, it largely became independent from Russian influence. Among the most striking manifestations of Buddhism in Ukraine is the sangha of the Mahayanist direction of the Nipponzan Myōhōji Order, whose representatives have suffered from racist aggression since 2014 and until today. As a result of the occupation by Russian terrorists of parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, neo-religious groups, including Buddhists, were displaced from these territories. Seeking refuge, Ukrainian Buddhists were directly faced with the need to form a clear position in relation to Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, not hiding behind the general Buddhist notion of the absurdity of any war as a way to resolve conflicts. During the analysis, it was also established that under the influence of transformational processes in Western European Buddhism, domestic Buddhism is being modernized. In Ukraine, neo-Buddhist practices are identified with such directions and schools as Karma Kagyu, Zen Buddhism, Nittiren, White Lotus, as well as with Protestant and cyber Buddhism. Within the boundaries of neo-Buddhist teachings, the problem of Russia's aggressive war of aggression against Ukraine is discussed sporadically, but it is already possible to distinguish certain trends in the understanding and interpretation of its essence and the preference for a negative assessment of the moral component of rashist aggression, which certainly indicates positive shifts in the ideas of domestic followers of the doctrine and hope on the useful application of Buddhist methods and practices to improve the spiritual and psychological state of the Ukrainian community, as well as on the further development of antitotalitarian tendencies and tolerance towards non-traditional religious phenomena in its environment.

The current phase of putin's russia's war against Ukraine is fundamentally changing world geopolitics today. Ukraine turned out to be a battlefield of civilizations based on the principles of freedom and democracy (on the one hand), totalitarianism and total disregard for human rights (on the other). Taking into account the existing and future challenges faced by warring Ukraine, it is necessary to take a close look at the neo-religious movements that are spreading on the territory of the country. In part icular, take a closer look from the point of view of totalitarian/anti-totalitarian foundations of their functioning. Such research is of unique importance due to the fact that the process of development of religious culture is directly related to the emergence of new symbolic systems, which, in turn, not only reflect changes in the field of religiosity, but also influence the formation of new contents of social existence and the state of society. And this process is especially irritating for the country, which has been in a state of ideological, and not only military, aggression by the totalitarian Putin regime for eight years. A significant number of neo-religious movements that arise and spread in the modern world testify to the development of processes of transformation of the established religious culture. Such neo-religious movements include the Falun Gong (Falun Dafa) movement, which is quite popular in today's Ukraine. This neo-religious movement attracts special attention due to the need to understand how a democratic state should build its relations with neo-religious entities, what it can afford in the process of establishing communication with believers, and what it should refrain from. The article concludes that on the way to victory over a dangerous aggressor, the anti-totalitarian social attitudes of the citizens of the warring country in all spheres of social life, in particular, in the religious sphere, are o f particular importance. In addition to traditional religiosity, neo-religious movements and organizations have become widely spread in Ukraine, to which a clear attitude has not been developed both by the authorities and the public, and by modern Ukrainian socio-humanitarian studies. Among such movements is the Falun Gong movement that came from China. Both this neo-religious movement, which is evaluated by the civilized world as anti -totalitarian and opposed to the repressive practices of the Chinese government, and other similar neo-religious movements spreading on the territory of Ukraine, require special attention, study and response from the Ukrainian general public and power structures.