Suchergebnisse

The longstanding hydro-political history of the Nile River had been characterized by the domination of a single riparian country, Egypt, through its claim of historical and natural right discourse which is essentially not acceptable in modern international water laws. Nevertheless, the Nile upper riparian countries have been experiencing several political and economic changes that could a major reason to promote shifts the status quo. The aim of this paper is to give exploratory and theoretical analysis up on changing the wrong historical claiming of hydro-hegemony in the Nile river basin. Methodologically, the paper is employed general qualitative and theoretical approach as well as exploratory research design. After their independence (except Ethiopia), upstream riparian countries of the Nile River basin have begun to look at the utilization of the shared water resource to meet their respective national development needs. This, in fact, has its own reasons. Among others, most of the riparian countries are currently more politically and economically stable than the past several years. Secondly, the emergence of modern international water laws have contributed a lot in giving an awareness of the rights of riparian countries on shared water resources through its icon principle of equitable and reasonable utilization on trans-boundary water resources. This paper is, therefore, trying to show the invalidity of the historical notion of hydro-hegemony which is basically void in any contemporary international water laws.

Billions of animals worldwide are used annually for human consumption. The agricultural industry enjoys a high-level of state protection because of its role in supplying the populace with food, and in turn, supporting the nation's security. In Europe and the United States, activists make similar challenges to status quo animal industry practices: activists use video cameras to expose animal abuses and share their findings with the public. Several U.S. states with strong animal agricultural industries have passed "ag-gag" laws aimed at outlawing many of these activities, including filming undercover and entering slaughterhouses under false pretenses. Finding these laws restrict free speech and impede efforts to gather evidence for whistling blowing operations, activists have challenged these laws in U.S. federal district courts. This paper examines three of these lawsuits, including two in which activists won rather "easily" under favorable U.S. free speech jurisprudence. Next, I compare these cases to three free speech and expression cases brought by animal activists in Europe. I use this comparison to argue that even well written and strategically crafted "ag-gag" laws are unlikely to withstand judicial scrutiny in the future because U.S. free speech jurisprudence exists to protect against the very purpose of ag-gag laws: government-led silencing of speech at the request of a powerful industry group. ; Miles de millones de animales en todo el mundo se utilizan anualmente para el consumo humano. La industria agrícola goza de un alto nivel de protección estatal debido a su papel en el suministro de alimentos a la población y, a su vez, a la seguridad de la nación. En Europa y los Estados Unidos, los activistas hacen desafíos similares a las prácticas de la industria animal del status quo: usan cámaras de vídeo para exponer los abusos a los animales y compartir sus hallazgos con el público. Varios estados de EE.UU. con importantes industrias agrícolas y ganaderas han aprobado leyes "ag-gag" destinadas a prohibir muchas de estas actividades, incluida la filmación de instalaciones y la entrada a mataderos con falsos pretextos. Al encontrar que estas leyes restringen la libertad de expresión y obstaculizan los esfuerzos para reunir pruebas que permitan denunciar, los activistas han cuestionado estas leyes en los tribunales de los distritos federales de los Estados Unidos. Este documento examina tres de estas demandas, incluidas dos en las que los activistas ganaron bastante "fácilmente" bajo la favorable jurisprudencia de la libertad de expresión de los EE.UU. A continuación, comparo estos casos con tres casos de libertad de opinión y expresión presentados por animalistas en Europa. Utilizo esta comparación para argumentar que es improbable que incluso las leyes "ag-gag" bien redactadas y elaboradas estratégicamente resistan el escrutinio judicial en el futuro porque la jurisprudencia de la libertad de expresión de los EE.UU. existe como medida de protección contra cada uno de los propósitos de las leyes "ag-gag": el silenciamiento del discurso dirigido por el gobierno a petición de un poderoso grupo industrial.

Macroeconomic effects of foreign aid depend on how it affects savings, investment and government behaviour. The study used recursive dynamic general equilibrium (DCGE), auto regressive distributed lag model approach to cointegration (ARDL) and vivid three gap based descriptive reports aiming to find out the preponderant effect. The data used in descrptive analysis and ARDL were collected from World Bank, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and International Monetary Fund data bases. DCGE requires social accounting matrix (SAM) and that was obtained from Ethiopian Development Research Institute (EDRI). The SAM was built in 2005 and updated its key accounts in 20091. Using recursive DCGE, the study shows that aid inflow can result in export reduction and exchange rate appreciation. But, it leads to higher gevernemt revenue, expenditure and savings. Aid"s effect in total absorption and gross domestic product is not discernible. Thus, the study"s results are ambiguous to generalize. The long run results of the ARDL model also show significant positive relationship between national income and domestic savings. However, the relationsip between Development Assistance Committee (DAC)-aid inflow and domestic savings is significantly inverse2.1 The recursive feature of the model ensures generation of SAM in years when SAM was not actually collected. 2 A 1 unit increment in DAC-aid inflow results in 0.5 unit reduction in domestic savings.

The main purpose of this study is to critically evaluate the power and jurisdiction of the Ethiopian national legislature with a greater emphasis on public policy making process & practices of HPRs in Ethiopia. The level of data discussion, analysis and interpretation is made using descriptive analytical research methods through collecting relevant documents from the Ministry of Justice, the National Legislatures (the standing committee members of different affairs in the HPRs of FDRE) including some academia of Addis Ababa University by using open ended questionnaires and structured interviews which these, in turn, are indispensable to traverse the responses from the primary sources. Based on the analysis and interpretation of data, findings of this research show that: the FDRE HPRs, experts from the MoJ and AAU senior educators during the draft policy legislation (lawmaking) process, the absolute power is being vested in the hands of the executive. The fragmented opposition parties & the independent MPs remain minority while the ruling party enjoyed absolute majority vote. All actors of public policy making in Ethiopia shared the need for all the public laws despite differences in key provisions of the constitutional balance among the three: the legislature, executive & the judiciary with the key areas of concern focusing on the major stakeholders or leading players that exercise the strongest leverage in the public policy making jurisdictions where legislative process by the HPRs of FDRE is materialized yet the key actors are believed to have involved from its formulation until ratification in the parliament. In essence, the government should continue to raise concerns about the draft policy legislation and design a system for reviewing the enforcement and impact of public policies with the aim to provide evidence on how their application is affecting all national priority areas of concern. The executive should make continuous reappraisal of the most contentious provisions and provide remedies for such legal & constitutional complexities. Therefore, as far as the power of the legislature and the executive is concerned, during the law making process in Ethiopia, the process has unbalanced power between the legislature and the executive. The judiciary hence, the Ministry of Justice, plays the major role (the highest power) during a given parliamentary law making process in the HPRs on reconciling some contradictory public issues/controversial provisions upon which balance of power between the legislative and executive could be maintained to the level of constitutional harmony

Electoral system design is being recognized as one of the key instruments in democracy in changing votes into seats. In Ethiopia since 1991 various elections have been held, and the electoral system in use is the plurality electoral system. The plurality electoral system is a system whereby, a party or a candidate who garnered most of the votes in a constituency is declared as a winner. It distorts the allocation of seats when changing votes into seats, and benefits the bigger parties. The system has the potential danger to produce a minority government as a result of 'manufactured majority' in the legislature, which can generally spell civil strife than democracy. Furthermore, it influences the behaviors of parties negatively in view of the culture of compromise and tolerance, and it is not as inclusive as much as possible to be recommended for such highly diversified and emerging democracy. This paper sets out to show the types of various electoral systems and their consequences. Ethiopia with its federal arrangement and in conjunction with its parliamentary system needs an electoral system that allows more inclusiveness than exclusion, a stable government that sustains credibility and legitimacy, than a government which looses credibility and legitimacy shortly, an electoral system that facilitates for compromises and tolerance than that widens the polarization of the political parties. To foster the democratization process and to redeem from the past backward political culture for a better future this paper argues for the re-thinking and redesign of the electoral system by substantiating with various evidences

1999 was the time the military regime relinquished political power and the new government took over the power. The new government initiated a wide range of reform programme some of which are directly related to trade liberalization. In this paper a two-sector, three-goods simple Computable general Equilibrium (1-2-3 CGE) model, developed by S.Devarajan et.al. at the World Bank was used to analyze the impact of trade liberalization that is the reduction of the tariff rate in three scenarion on government tax revenue and saving of Ethiopia. Moreover, it examines the coordination of domestic tax and trade tax with out affecting the total tax revenue of the country using the 1-2-3 CGE model. The simulation result of the model when reducing tariff rate is an overall decline of the government tax revenue and government saving of the country in the three different scenarios. Furthermore, by increasing domestic tax it possible compensate the loss from tariff reduction with out affecting the total government tax revenue. Keywords: Trade liberalization, Simple Computable General Equilibrium (1-2-3CGE) Model, Government tax revenue and tariff reduction.

These days valuation of real property as one of the major aspect of property of the business and becoming the critical practice in investment appraisal in order to achieve sustainable economic development. As many potential factors affect the precision of valuation results and investment appraisal, the valuation method as much as possible should identified, assessed, mitigated and the most suitable approach for the development should be chosen. This is the aim of most institutional and professional valuers' as a starting point in addressing common issues in property valuation/appraisal. The suitability of techniques used in the valuation process is very important for a correct decision on investment appraisal. In this paper, a brief theoretical review covered for the understanding of the subject and conceptual development. To investigate the practice of property valuation in Ethiopian Banks, samples of governmental and nongovernmental banks are chosen. The study made using questionnaires prepared to meet the objectives of the paper, which is to provide a brief over view of the methods that used in real property valuation in Ethiopian banks, comparing and contrasting those methods with scientific background. The results of the overall analysis show that various banks use different type of valuation methods depending on the basis prepared by their organization particularly or Ethiopia Bankers Association manuals. The study shows that, the methods adopted by each banks, the purpose of valuation, level of experience and their particular guide lines are some of the factors that cause variation and possible recommendation.

AbstractThe presence of monitoring institutions affects quality and effort of leaders. We investigate the effect of intensified monitoring on the ability and effort of leaders for a sample of forest user groups in Ethiopia, and find experimental and non-experimental evidence of an important trade-off: monitoring increases leaders' effort but lowers their quality in terms of education and experience. This effort–ability trade-off only occurs in the presence of alternative income opportunities (affecting the opportunity cost of time) and only among a subsample of leaders with low prosocial motivation. For our context, we document that the net effect of monitoring on economic outcomes is positive.