Suchergebnisse

Les Stolpersteine (pavés de mémoire) ont été inventés dans les années 1990 par l'artiste Gunter Demnig pour commémorer les victimes du nazisme. S'ils font désormais partie du paysage mémoriel allemand, ils sont l'objet de critiques de plus en plus vives de la part de l'extrême droite. À travers l'exemple des Stolpersteine, il s'agit de cerner l'évolution récente du débat mémoriel dans l'Allemagne réunifiée : qu'en est-il de l'état de la mémoire du passé nazi aujourd'hui alors que l'AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) s'ancre durablement dans la vie politique et contribue à briser les tabous hérités de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. ; Synergies Roumanie n° 15 - 2020 p. 95-106 - GERFLINT - https://gerflint.fr/Base/Roumanie15/kaiser.pdf

Die Dissertation besteht aus drei verwaltungswissenschaftlichen Fachartikeln zu Strategien, Anreizen und Effekten von Gemeindefusionen in der Schweiz. Die drei Artikel fokussieren je auf eine der drei Staatsebenen im politisch-administrativen System: die Fusionsstrategien werden in einem Ländervergleich auf nationaler Ebene betrachtet, die Anreizsysteme der Kantone für Gemeindefusionen auf kantonaler Ebene und die Auswirkungen von Gemeindefusionen auf der Gemeindeebene selbst.

Some countries have reduced the number of local units in a drastic way (e.g., Germany, United Kingdom, Denmark). In other countries, there have been no major territorial reforms (e.g. Switzerland, France). The purpose of this paper is to investigate the following main research question: What are the factors that influence a country's merger activities? To answer this question, an analytical framework considering the institutional context, territorial structure, incentives for mergers, and so-called policy windows has been developed. 16 Western European countries have been selected for the analysis. Using Crisp-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA), this paper shows what configurations of factors are associated with a high merger activity: a) an open policy window when municipalities are small, b) an open policy window in municipalities with a low degree of local autonomy, or c) incentives given by higher-ranking state levels for amalgamations in small municipalities with a low degree of local autonomy.

Some countries have reduced the number of local units in a drastic way (e.g., Germany, United Kingdom, Denmark). In other countries, there have been no major territorial reforms (e.g. Switzerland, France). The purpose of this paper is to investigate the following main research question: What are the factors that influence a country's merger activities? To answer this question, an analytical framework considering the institutional context, territorial structure, incentives for mergers, and so-called policy windows has been developed. 16 Western European countries have been selected for the analysis. Using Crisp-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA), this paper shows what configurations of factors are associated with a high merger activity: a) an open policy window when municipalities are small, b) an open policy window in municipalities with a low degree of local autonomy, or c) incentives given by higher-ranking state levels for amalgamations in small municipalities with a low degree of local autonomy. Adapted from the source document.

Georgian and Soviet investigates the constitutive capacity of Soviet nationhood and empire. The Soviet republic of Georgia, located in the mountainous Caucasus region, received the same nation-building template as other national republics of the USSR. Yet Stalin's Georgian heritage, intimate knowledge of Caucasian affairs, and personal involvement in local matters as he ascended to prominence left his homeland to confront a distinct set of challenges after his death in 1953.Utilizing Georgian archives and Georgian-language sources, Claire P. Kaiser argues that the postwar and post-Stalin era was decisive in the creation of a "Georgian" Georgia. This was due not only to the peculiar role played by the Stalin cult in the construction of modern Georgian nationhood, but also the subsequent changes that de-Stalinization wrought among Georgia's populace and in the unusual imperial relationship between Moscow and Tbilisi. She describes how the Soviet empire could be repressive yet also encourage opportunities for advancement—for individual careers, as well as for certain nationalities. The creation of national hierarchies of entitlement could be as much about local and republic-level imperial imaginations as those of a Moscow center.Georgian and Soviet reveals that the entitled, republic-level national hierarchies that the Soviet Union created laid a foundation for the claims of nationalizing states that would emerge from the empire's wake in 1991. Today, Georgia still grapples with the legacies of its Soviet century, and the Stalin factor likewise lingers, as new generations of Georgians reevaluate the symbiotic relationship between Soso Jughashvili and his native land

This volume investigates the constitutive capacity of Soviet nationhood and empire. The Soviet republic of Georgia, located in the mountainous Caucasus region, received the same nation-building template as other national republics of the USSR. Yet Stalin's Georgian heritage, intimate knowledge of Caucasian affairs, and personal involvement in local matters as he ascended to prominence left his homeland to confront a distinct set of challenges after his death in 1953. Utilizing Georgian archives and Georgian-language sources, Claire P. Kaiser argues that the postwar and post-Stalin era was decisive in the creation of a "Georgian" Georgia. This was due not only to the peculiar role played by the Stalin cult in the construction of modern Georgian nationhood but also to the subsequent changes that de-Stalinization wrought among Georgia's populace and in the unusual imperial relationship between Moscow and Tbilisi. Kaiser describes how the Soviet empire could be repressive yet also encourage opportunities for advancement – for individual careers as well as for certain nationalities. The creation of national hierarchies of entitlement could be as much about local and republic-level imperial imaginations as those of a Moscow center. This book reveals that the entitled, republic-level national hierarchies that the Soviet Union created laid a foundation for the claims of nationalizing states that would emerge from the empire's wake in 1991. Today, Georgia still grapples with the legacies of its Soviet century, and the Stalin factor likewise lingers as new generations of Georgians reevaluate the symbiotic relationship between Soso Jughashvili and his native land.

The immediate aftermath of the Second World War saw a transnational effort to identify and prosecute those individuals who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in such fora as the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. However, parallel national processes were carried out across Europe to punish those citizens who, by a range of definitions, allegedly collaborated with enemy occupiers and committed treason. In the Soviet Union, suspected collaborators were tried as counterrevolutionaries in both the areas where crimes were committed and also those distant from regions of German or Romanian occupation. By examining tribunals in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan in this article, I argue for the importance of identifying and prosecuting alleged collaborators to the Soviet postwar project – a project which was far from limited to areas in the western parts of the country and which remained intimately linked to prewar, Stalinist understandings of justice and revolution.