(DIS)SATISFACTION OF FEMALE AND EARLY-CAREER RESEARCHERS WITH THE ACADEMIC SYSTEM IN PHYSICS
In: Journal of women and minorities in science and engineering, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 25-50
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In: Journal of women and minorities in science and engineering, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 25-50
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 588-601
ISSN: 1465-3923
AbstractAre referendum campaigns involving issues about sovereignty more likely to succeed if framed in a positive rather than a negative way? We ran a survey on a hypothetical referendum on a peace agreement between Serbia and Kosovo to answer this question, and we experimentally simulated both positive and negative frames. We found that the positive campaign frame, i.e. one that contains an invitation to support a lasting peace in the Balkans, economic prosperity, Serbia's path to EU integration, and the protection of the Serbian population and cultural heritage in Kosovo, is more appealing than the negative one, which focuses on avoiding the risk of failure. Our finding contradicts previous works that relied on the prospect theory to argue that negatively framed messages can attract more attention because people try to avoid adverse outcomes. To explain our findings, we argue that positive referendum campaigns are more effective than negative ones when the reference point is low due to attributive framing.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the relevance of participatory class climate for the acceptance of democratic values among Serbian students who attend the civic education courses and to analyse the moderating role of students' socio-economic status. The data collected in the CE evaluation study (N = 1073, 42% of boys) were used. Multiple regression analysis has shown that democratic values are more embraced by the students of higher SES and those from the classes with a more prominent participatory climate. The relationship between PCC and the importance of democratic values is moderated by SES: the students with the lowest SES gained most from class participation in terms of accepting democratic values
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Predmet ovog istraživanja je evaluacija statusa predmeta Građansko vaspitanje (gV) i sticanje uvida u eventualne promene statusa kroz poređenje sa rezultatima slične studije sprovedene deset godina ranije (2009. godine). U istraživanju je učestvovalo 1073 učenika/ca, 36 nastavnika/ca i 20 direktora/ki iz 20 srednjih škola sa cele teritorije Srbije. Takođe, ispitani su i stavovi opšte populacije prema Građanskom vaspitanju na reprezentativnom uzorku od 1076 punoletnih građana Srbije. Podaci su prikupljeni upitnicima konstruisanim u svrhe ove evaluacije. Ispitivani su stavovi prema građanskom vaspitanju i relevantni društveni stavovi i vrednosti učenika, predmetnih nastavnika, direktora škola i ispitanika iz opšte populacije, a kod učenika i stepen poznavanja tema koje su sadržaj gV. Rezultati ukazuju na relativno nizak nivo poznavanja tema koje su sadržaj gV među učenicima/ama, na preovlađujuće pozitivan odnos učenika/ca prema nastavi ovog predmeta, ali i na distanciranost mladih od sveta politike i nisku spremnost za aktivizam. U zaključku se ukazuje na moguće pravce poboljšanja nastave GV u cilju podizanja njene efikasnosti. ; The paper deals with the evaluation of the status of the Civic Education course. it is aimed at obtaining insight into possible changes in these effects by comparing the present results with those of a similar study conducted ten years ago, in 2009. The research included 1073 students, 36 teachers and 20 principals from twenty secondary schools from the whole territory of the Republic of Serbia. in addition, the attitudes towards civic education held by the general public were investigated on a representative sample of 1076 adult citizens of Serbia. data were collected via questionnaires designed for the purposes of the research. The attitudes towards civic education and rel-evant social attitudes and values were investigated in students, their teachers and principals, and participants from the general population. additionally, the level of knowledge of the topics that form the civic education curricu-lum was explored in the sample of students. The results point to a relatively low level of knowledge about the topics related to civic education among students. it is shown that students have a predominantly positive attitude towards this course, but also that there is the distance of young people from the world of politics and low readiness for activism. The concluding part of the paper discusses the possible directions for improving the civic education instruction with the aim of raising its efficiency.
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The paper deals with the evaluation of the status of the Civic Education course. it is aimed at obtaining insight into possible changes in these effects by comparing the present results with those of a similar study conducted ten years ago, in 2009. The research included 1073 students, 36 teachers and 20 principals from twenty secondary schools from the whole territory of the Republic of Serbia. in addition, the attitudes towards civic education held by the general public were investigated on a representative sample of 1076 adult citizens of Serbia. data were collected via questionnaires designed for the purposes of the research. The attitudes towards civic education and rel-evant social attitudes and values were investigated in students, their teachers and principals, and participants from the general population. additionally, the level of knowledge of the topics that form the civic education curricu-lum was explored in the sample of students. The results point to a relatively low level of knowledge about the topics related to civic education among students. it is shown that students have a predominantly positive attitude towards this course, but also that there is the distance of young people from the world of politics and low readiness for activism. The concluding part of the paper discusses the possible directions for improving the civic education instruction with the aim of raising its efficiency. ; Predmet ovog istraživanja je evaluacija statusa predmeta Građansko vaspitanje (gV) i sticanje uvida u eventualne promene statusa kroz poređenje sa rezultatima slične studije sprovedene deset godina ranije (2009. godine). U istraživanju je učestvovalo 1073 učenika/ca, 36 nastavnika/ca i 20 direktora/ki iz 20 srednjih škola sa cele teritorije Srbije. Takođe, ispitani su i stavovi opšte populacije prema Građanskom vaspitanju na reprezentativnom uzorku od 1076 punoletnih građana Srbije. Podaci su prikupljeni upitnicima konstruisanim u svrhe ove evaluacije. Ispitivani su stavovi prema građanskom vaspitanju i relevantni društveni stavovi i vrednosti učenika, predmetnih nastavnika, direktora škola i ispitanika iz opšte populacije, a kod učenika i stepen poznavanja tema koje su sadržaj gV. Rezultati ukazuju na relativno nizak nivo poznavanja tema koje su sadržaj gV među učenicima/ama, na preovlađujuće pozitivan odnos učenika/ca prema nastavi ovog predmeta, ali i na distanciranost mladih od sveta politike i nisku spremnost za aktivizam. U zaključku se ukazuje na moguće pravce poboljšanja nastave GV u cilju podizanja njene efikasnosti.
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During the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. conservative politicians and the media downplayed the risk of both contracting COVID-19 and the effectiveness of recommended health behaviors. Health behavior theories suggest perceived vulnerability to a health threat and perceived effectiveness of recommended health-protective behaviors determine motivation to follow recommendations. Accordingly, we predicted that—as a result of politicization of the pandemic—politically conservative Americans would be less likely to enact recommended health-protective behaviors. In two longitudinal studies of U.S. residents, political conservatism was inversely associated with perceived health risk and adoption of health-protective behaviors over time. The effects of political orientation on health-protective behaviors were mediated by perceived risk of infection, perceived severity of infection, and perceived effectiveness of the health-protective behaviors. In a global cross-national analysis, effects were stronger in the U.S. (N = 10,923) than in an international sample (total N = 51,986), highlighting the increased and overt politicization of health behaviors in the U.S.
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In: PsyCorona Collaboration , Stroebe , W , vanDellen , M R , Abakoumkin , G , Lemay , E P , Schiavone , W M , Agostini , M , Bélanger , J J , Gützkow , B , Kreienkamp , J , Reitsema , A M , Abdul Khaiyom , J H , Ahmedi , V , Akkas , H , Almenara , C A , Atta , M , Bagci , S C , Basel , S , Kida , E B , Bernardo , A B I , Buttrick , N R , Chobthamkit , P , Choi , H S , Cristea , M , Csaba , S , Damnjanović , K , Danyliuk , I , Dash , A , Di Santo , D , Douglas , K M , Enea , V , Faller , D G , Fitzsimons , G , Gheorghiu , A , Gómez , Á , Hamaidia , A , Han , Q , Jeronimus , B F , Koc , Y , Krause , J , Kutlaca , M , Martinez , A , McCabe , K O , Myroniuk , S , Nyúl , B , Ryan , M K , Sasin , E , Sultana , S , van Breen , J A , van Veen , K & Pontus Leander , N 2021 , ' Politicization of COVID-19 health-protective behaviors in the United States : Longitudinal and cross-national evidence ' , PLoS ONE , vol. 16 , e0256740 . https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256740 ; ISSN:1932-6203
During the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. conservative politicians and the media downplayed the risk of both contracting COVID-19 and the effectiveness of recommended health behaviors. Health behavior theories suggest perceived vulnerability to a health threat and perceived effectiveness of recommended health-protective behaviors determine motivation to follow recommendations. Accordingly, we predicted that—as a result of politicization of the pandemic—politically conservative Americans would be less likely to enact recommended health-protective behaviors. In two longitudinal studies of U.S. residents, political conservatism was inversely associated with perceived health risk and adoption of health-protective behaviors over time. The effects of political orientation on health-protective behaviors were mediated by perceived risk of infection, perceived severity of infection, and perceived effectiveness of the health-protective behaviors. In a global cross-national analysis, effects were stronger in the U.S. (N = 10,923) than in an international sample (total N = 51,986), highlighting the increased and overt politicization of health behaviors in the U.S.
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In: PLOS ONE
[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0256740.].
In: PsyCorona Collaboration , Schumpe , B M , Van Lissa , C J , Bélanger , J J , Ruggeri , K , Mierau , J , Nisa , C F , Molinario , E , Gelfand , M J , Stroebe , W , Agostini , M , Gützkow , B , Jeronimus , B F , Kreienkamp , J , Kutlaca , M , Lemay , E P , Reitsema , A M , vanDellen , M R , Abakoumkin , G , Abdul Khaiyom , J H , Ahmedi , V , Akkas , H , Almenara , C A , Atta , M , Bagci , S C , Basel , S , Berisha Kida , E , Bernardo , A B I , Buttrick , N R , Chobthamkit , P , Choi , H-S , Cristea , M , Csaba , S , Damnjanović , K , Danyliuk , I , Dash , A , Di Santo , D , Douglas , K M , Enea , V , Faller , D , Koc , Y , Krause , J , Martinez , A P , Myroniuk , S , Nyúl , B , Ryan , M K , Sasin , E , Sultana , S , van Breen , J A , Van Veen , K & Leander , N P 2022 , ' Predictors of adherence to public health behaviors for fighting COVID-19 derived from longitudinal data ' , Scientific Reports , vol. 12 , no. 1 , 3824 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-04703-9 ; ISSN:2045-2322
The present paper examines longitudinally how subjective perceptions about COVID-19, one's community, and the government predict adherence to public health measures to reduce the spread of the virus. Using an international survey (N = 3040), we test how infection risk perception, trust in the governmental response and communications about COVID-19, conspiracy beliefs, social norms on distancing, tightness of culture, and community punishment predict various containment-related attitudes and behavior. Autoregressive analyses indicate that, at the personal level, personal hygiene behavior was predicted by personal infection risk perception. At social level, social distancing behaviors such as abstaining from face-to-face contact were predicted by perceived social norms. Support for behavioral mandates was predicted by confidence in the government and cultural tightness, whereas support for anti-lockdown protests was predicted by (lower) perceived clarity of communication about the virus. Results are discussed in light of policy implications and creating effective interventions.
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In: Ruggeri , K , Većkalov , B , Bojanić , L , Andersen , T L , Ashcroft-jones , S , Ayacaxli , N , Barea-arroyo , P , Berge , M L , Bjørndal , L D , Bursalıoğlu , A , Bühler , V , Čadek , M , Çetinçelik , M , Clay , G , Cortijos-bernabeu , A , Damnjanović , K , Dugue , T M , Esberg , M , Esteban-serna , C , Felder , E N , Friedemann , M , Frontera-villanueva , D I , Gale , P , Garcia-garzon , E , Geiger , S J , George , L , Girardello , A , Gracheva , A , Gracheva , A , Guillory , M , Hecht , M , Herte , K , Hubená , B , Ingalls , W , Jakob , L , Janssens , M , Jarke , H , Kácha , O , Kalinova , K N , Karakasheva , R , Khorrami , P R , Lep , Ž , Lins , S , Lofthus , I S , Mamede , S , Mareva , S , Mascarenhas , M F , Mcgill , L , Morales-izquierdo , S , Moltrecht , B , Mueller , T S , Musetti , M , Nelsson , J , Otto , T , Paul , A F , Pavlović , I , Petrović , M B , Popović , D , Prinz , G M , Razum , J , Sakelariev , I , Samuels , V , Sanguino , I , Say , N , Schuck , J , Soysal , I , Todsen , A L , Tünte , M R , Vdovic , M , Vintr , J , Vovko , M , Vranka , M A , Wagner , L , Wilkins , L , Willems , M , Wisdom , E , Yosifova , A , Zeng , S , Ahmed , M A , Dwarkanath , T , Cikara , M , Lees , J & Folke , T 2021 , ' The general fault in our fault lines ' , Nature Human Behaviour , vol. 5 , no. 10 , pp. 1369-1380 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01092-x
Pervading global narratives suggest that political polarization is increasing, yet the accuracy of such group meta-perceptions has been drawn into question. A recent US study suggests that these beliefs are inaccurate and drive polarized beliefs about out-groups. However, it also found that informing people of inaccuracies reduces those negative beliefs. In this work, we explore whether these results generalize to other countries. To achieve this, we replicate two of the original experiments with 10,207 participants across 26 countries. We focus on local group divisions, which we refer to as fault lines. We find broad generalizability for both inaccurate meta-perceptions and reduced negative motive attribution through a simple disclosure intervention. We conclude that inaccurate and negative group meta-perceptions are exhibited in myriad contexts and that informing individuals of their misperceptions can yield positive benefits for intergroup relations. Such generalizability highlights a robust phenomenon with implications for political discourse worldwide.
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During the initial phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. conservative politicians and the media downplayed the risk of both contracting COVID-19 and the effectiveness of recommended health behaviors. Health behavior theories suggest perceived vulnerability to a health threat and perceived effectiveness of recommended health-protective behaviors determine motivation to follow recommendations. Accordingly, we predicted that-as a result of politicization of the pandemic-politically conservative Americans would be less likely to enact recommended health-protective behaviors. In two longitudinal studies of U.S. residents, political conservatism was inversely associated with perceived health risk and adoption of health-protective behaviors over time. The effects of political orientation on health-protective behaviors were mediated by perceived risk of infection, perceived severity of infection, and perceived effectiveness of the health-protective behaviors. In a global cross-national analysis, effects were stronger in the U.S. (N = 10,923) than in an international sample (total N = 51,986), highlighting the increased and overt politicization of health behaviors in the U.S.
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Background. The effective implementation of government policies and measures for controlling the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic requires compliance from the public. This study aimed to examine cross-sectional and longitudinal associations of trust ingovernment regarding COVID-19 control with the adoption of recommended health behaviours and prosocial behaviours, and potential determinants of trust in government duringthe pandemic.Methods. This study analysed data from the PsyCorona Survey, an international project onCOVID-19 that included 23 733 participants from 23 countries (representative in age andgender distributions by country) at baseline survey and 7785 participants who also completedfollow-up surveys. Specification curve analysis was used to examine concurrent associationsbetween trust in government and self-reported behaviours. We further used structural equation model to explore potential determinants of trust in government. Multilevel linear regressions were used to examine associations between baseline trust and longitudinal behavioural changes.Results. Higher trust in government regarding COVID-19 control was significantly associatedwith higher adoption of health behaviours (handwashing, avoiding crowded space, self-quarantine) and prosocial behaviours in specification curve analyses (median standardised β =0.173 and 0.229, p < 0.001). Government perceived as well organised, disseminating clear messages and knowledge on COVID-19, and perceived fairness were positively associated withtrust in government (standardised β = 0.358, 0.230, 0.056, and 0.249, p < 0.01). Higher trustat baseline survey was significantly associated with lower rate of decline in health behavioursover time ( p for interaction = 0.001).Conclusions. These results highlighted the importance of trust in government in the control of Covid-19.
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The present paper examines longitudinally how subjective perceptions about COVID-19, one's community, and the government predict adherence to public health measures to reduce the spread of the virus. Using an international survey (N = 3040), we test how infection risk perception, trust in the governmental response and communications about COVID-19, conspiracy beliefs, social norms on distancing, tightness of culture, and community punishment predict various containment-related attitudes and behavior. Autoregressive analyses indicate that, at the personal level, personal hygiene behavior was predicted by personal infection risk perception. At social level, social distancing behaviors such as abstaining from face-to-face contact were predicted by perceived social norms. Support for behavioral mandates was predicted by confidence in the government and cultural tightness, whereas support for anti-lockdown protests was predicted by (lower) perceived clarity of communication about the virus. Results are discussed in light of policy implications and creating effective interventions.
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