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In the contemporary era, societies are divided, and political polarization is increasing. One of the most powerful instruments the government can use is general standard education, specifically citizenship education. We will look at the case of Estonia, because Estonia's main political cleavage is the ethnic cleavage between the Estonian and the Russophone community. Our main research question is as follows: How would it be possible to use democratic citizenship education to decrease in the future the socio-economic inequality between different communities in Estonia? We will outline the context of ethnic socio-economic inequality in Estonia and show how these differences have been at least partially influenced by the current education system in Estonia and how citizenship education can be used to reduce these inequalities in the future. We will conduct an empirical analysis of the curriculum, and this will be followed by semi-structured qualitative interviews. In the discussion, we will make suggestions to the current Estonian citizenship education policy and offer various insights into tackling this issue ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 857366.

In the following article, we examine the positions of the decision makers of Estonia on multiple and European citizenship. The Estonian case ofers good opportunities to discuss the structuring of the feld of citizenship in the context of a country that is building up a European style nation-state but that has to simultaneously adjust to the changes in statehood usually characterised as globalisation and Europeanisation. The article is based on a survey conducted in 2003-2004 in eight countries: Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Portugal and United Kingdom. We will frst briefy characterise the socio-historical context of Estonian citizenship policies, then discuss the results of the empirical research, relate these to wider trends and draw some conclusions.

"In the following article, we examine the positions of the decision makers of Estonia on multiple and
European citizenship. The Estonian case offers good opportunities to discuss the structuring of the
field of citizenship in the context of a country that is building up a European style nation-state but that
has to simultaneously adjust to the changes in statehood usually characterised as globalisation and
Europeanisation. The article is based on a survey conducted in 2003-2004 in eight countries: Estonia,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Portugal and United Kingdom. We will first briefly characterise
the socio-historical context of Estonian citizenship policies, then discuss the results of the empirical
research, relate these to wider trends and draw some conclusions." (author's abstract)

This article focuses on practices of citizenship in Estonia by persons with multiple citizenship or multicultural background. In the previous stages of research on this topic primary attention was paid to national citizenship, multiple citizenship and European Union citizenship as institutions, as well as the role of citizenship in the construction of European space. Expected "configurations" of multiple citizenship as articulated in Marshallian (1992) terms, as well as linkages between different spaces of membership (national and not-national) of citizenship as perceived by the national decision makers, mapped both avenues and bottleneck s for the future. Our research raises questions and problems related to citizenship as both an essential tool of nation building and of EU integration (cf. Ruutsoo and Kal ev 2006, Ruutsoo and Kalev forthcoming).

This article focuses on practices of citizenship in Estonia by persons with multiple citizenship or multicultural background. In the previous stages of research on this topic primary attention was paid to national citizenship, multiple citizenship and European Union citizenship as institutions, as well as the role of citizenship in the construction of European space. Expected "configurations" of multiple citizenship as articulated in Marshallian (1992) terms, as well as linkages between different spaces of membership (national and not-national) of citizenship as perceived by the national decision makers, mapped both avenues and bottleneck s for the future. Our research raises questions and problems related to citizenship as both an essential tool of nation building and of EU integration (cf. Ruutsoo and Kal ev 2006, Ruutsoo and Kalev forthcoming). Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i1.181

Crises can function as catalysts for policy change, but change depends on multiple factors such as the actual content of the event, the agenda-setting power of the advocates of change, and their abilities to foster advocacy coalitions and break up policy monopolies. The COVID-19 crisis is an event that halted virtually all movement, including labor migration across the world, thus having great potential to act as a major focusing event. This article will look into the possibilities of this crisis to induce permanent labor migration policy change based on the case of Estonia. The article thus contributes to the literature on migration policy change from the Central and East European perspective.

This report explores challenges to political participation of mobile EU citizens in Estonia. It discusses electoral rights of non-resident citizens and non-citizen residents from the EU in European Parliament and local elections. The report also offers recommendations on how to increase political participation of mobile EU citizens in this country. ; This report was funded by the European Union's Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this report represents the views of the author only and is his/her sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

This article analyses the general institutional preconditions and restraints of a successful local government amalgamation policy in Estonia from a Central and Eastern European perspective. We start by re-examining and re-synthesising the dynamics of capacity-scale problems during the post-communist transition. On this basis, we analyse the patterns and models of local governance and amalgamations in the sparsely populated countries with already large municipalities, developing the possibilities and barriers to achieve economy of scale and economy of scope. The article addresses key factors of local governance and amalgamations, first of all their relations vis-à-vis the citizens and the civil society. The vicious circle of a clan pattern of local government and citizen estrangement can be broken when the existing practice of municipality amalgamation will be changed. The mediating role of the central government or citizens' peak organisations must become central in the amalgamation process, because they can neutralise the traditional corporatist values of local elites at negotiations and promote the new structural profile of a municipality based on the values of democratic governance.