Suchergebnisse

The doctoral for the first time it systematically studies the institute of parliamentary control as a part of the constitutional law forming a sub-branch of the parliamentary law and the doctoral dissertation provides the evaluation of the Lithuanian model of parliamentary control and its implementation based on the analysis of such models in Great Britain, Germany, the United States of America and France. The aim of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze and assess the institute of parliamentary control as the institute of constitutional law. The dissertation includes the introduction, methodology and research reviews, four chapters of the body, conclusions and recommendations. The first part of the doctoral dissertation analyses the influence of the Nation's sovereignty doctrine and the principle of separation of power on the development of the institute of parliamentary control. The second part establishes problem of variety in definitions specific features of parliamentary control and supervision and content dimensions of the parliamentary control definition: sensu stricto and sensu largo. The third part of the doctoral dissertation analyses models of parliamentary control implementation in the countries of the old democracy. Together with the institute of parliamentary control, the parliamentary practice is also studies, as well as "typical" models in the democratic countries and peculiarities of implementation of these models. The forth part of the dissertation explores the implementation model of parliamentary control of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania. It analyses not only the Doctrine of the Constitutional but also the parliamentary practice and theoretical and practical problems.

The doctoral for the first time it systematically studies the institute of parliamentary control as a part of the constitutional law forming a sub-branch of the parliamentary law and the doctoral dissertation provides the evaluation of the Lithuanian model of parliamentary control and its implementation based on the analysis of such models in Great Britain, Germany, the United States of America and France. The aim of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze and assess the institute of parliamentary control as the institute of constitutional law. The dissertation includes the introduction, methodology and research reviews, four chapters of the body, conclusions and recommendations. The first part of the doctoral dissertation analyses the influence of the Nation's sovereignty doctrine and the principle of separation of power on the development of the institute of parliamentary control. The second part establishes problem of variety in definitions specific features of parliamentary control and supervision and content dimensions of the parliamentary control definition: sensu stricto and sensu largo. The third part of the doctoral dissertation analyses models of parliamentary control implementation in the countries of the old democracy. Together with the institute of parliamentary control, the parliamentary practice is also studies, as well as "typical" models in the democratic countries and peculiarities of implementation of these models. The forth part of the dissertation explores the implementation model of parliamentary control of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania. It analyses not only the Doctrine of the Constitutional but also the parliamentary practice and theoretical and practical problems.

The article analyses the consolidation of parliamentary control pattern and its development in the United States (hereinafter referred to as US). The competence of the Congress, which allows a thorough and efficient parliamentary control implementation, is unquestionable notwithstanding the absence of governmental institute, the President and its administration political responsibility against the Congress in the constitutional governance system of US, whereas provisions of the Congress are "silent" about controlling competence of the Congress. The Congress control was developed through parliamentary practice and was approved by the Supreme Court commenting on the Constitution and "designing" pattern of separation of powers. It is universally recognized that the Congress control is one of the break and balance devices securing both, solid and effective execution of all functions of the Congress, especially legislation, and inter-balance of powers. However, referring to the doctrine, appearing in judgments of the Supreme Court, the function of the Congress control has its boundaries and the executed control is not absolute. Another significant restraint of functions of the Congress control is related to reception of information form executive power. Looking at American constitutional tradition and analyzing the content of break and balance system, the privilege of executive power is singled out. Because of the privilege executive power cannot refuse to subject the information to the Congress, thus not allowing examinations of the Congress "to prosper". Hereby, parliamentary control as well as other break and balance devices (the President's right of veto, impeachment etc.) secure the independency and equality of the President and the Congress.

The article analyses the consolidation of parliamentary control pattern and its development in the United States (hereinafter referred to as US). The competence of the Congress, which allows a thorough and efficient parliamentary control implementation, is unquestionable notwithstanding the absence of governmental institute, the President and its administration political responsibility against the Congress in the constitutional governance system of US, whereas provisions of the Congress are "silent" about controlling competence of the Congress. The Congress control was developed through parliamentary practice and was approved by the Supreme Court commenting on the Constitution and "designing" pattern of separation of powers. It is universally recognized that the Congress control is one of the break and balance devices securing both, solid and effective execution of all functions of the Congress, especially legislation, and inter-balance of powers. However, referring to the doctrine, appearing in judgments of the Supreme Court, the function of the Congress control has its boundaries and the executed control is not absolute. Another significant restraint of functions of the Congress control is related to reception of information form executive power. Looking at American constitutional tradition and analyzing the content of break and balance system, the privilege of executive power is singled out. Because of the privilege executive power cannot refuse to subject the information to the Congress, thus not allowing examinations of the Congress "to prosper". Hereby, parliamentary control as well as other break and balance devices (the President's right of veto, impeachment etc.) secure the independency and equality of the President and the Congress.

The article analyses parliamentary oversight exercised by the Seimas (Lithuanian parliament). As a legal institute of a constitutional status, parliamentary oversight is complex in its nature in that it influences the executive branch by means of established oversight instruments in a systemic and independent manner and ensures the continuous and effective functioning of the executive power. Based on the doctrine of the sovereignty of the nation, the Seimas is the only governmental body that can exercise parliamentary oversight. This function of the Seimas is therefore very significant. In the article, the author analyses the function of parliamentary oversight exercised by the Seimas and the legal and practical conditions necessary for the permanent committees of the Seimas to exercise the function effectively and continuously.

The article analyses parliamentary oversight exercised by the Seimas (Lithuanian parliament). As a legal institute of a constitutional status, parliamentary oversight is complex in its nature in that it influences the executive branch by means of established oversight instruments in a systemic and independent manner and ensures the continuous and effective functioning of the executive power. Based on the doctrine of the sovereignty of the nation, the Seimas is the only governmental body that can exercise parliamentary oversight. This function of the Seimas is therefore very significant. In the article, the author analyses the function of parliamentary oversight exercised by the Seimas and the legal and practical conditions necessary for the permanent committees of the Seimas to exercise the function effectively and continuously.

The article analyses parliamentary oversight exercised by the Seimas (Lithuanian parliament). As a legal institute of a constitutional status, parliamentary oversight is complex in its nature in that it influences the executive branch by means of established oversight instruments in a systemic and independent manner and ensures the continuous and effective functioning of the executive power. Based on the doctrine of the sovereignty of the nation, the Seimas is the only governmental body that can exercise parliamentary oversight. This function of the Seimas is therefore very significant. In the article, the author analyses the function of parliamentary oversight exercised by the Seimas and the legal and practical conditions necessary for the permanent committees of the Seimas to exercise the function effectively and continuously. ; Straipsnyje Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo vykdoma parlamentinė kontrolė nagrinėjama kaip konstitucinis institutas, kompleksiškai sudarantis Seimo konstitucinio statuso institutą sistemiškai ir savarankiškai veikiant vykdomąją valdžią nustatytais kontrolinio pobūdžio instrumentais bei užtikrinant nepertraukiamą ir efektyvų vykdomosios valdžios įgyvendinimą. Seimo vykdoma parlamentinės kontrolės funkcija yra būtina veikla, siekiant užtikrinti nuolatinę ir efektyvią vykdomosios valdžios funkcijų įgyvendinimo priežiūrą. Straipsnyje remiantis tautos suvereniteto doktrina pripažįstama, kad Seimas vienintelis subjektas, vykdantis parlamentinę kontrolę, todėl ši funkcija labai reikšminga. Seimas kurdamas vidinius darinius yra savarankiškas, tačiau Seimo struktūra turi užtikrinti šios institucijos darbingumą, efektyvų jos funkcionavimą, t. y. turi sukurti reikiamas sąlygas bei prielaidas Seimui nepertraukiamai įgyvendinti Konstitucijoje apibrėžtas jo funkcijas. Ši konstitucinė nuostata reiškia, kad tik Seimas turi įgaliojimus nustatyti savo struktūrą ir darbo tvarką, jog jokia kita valstybės valdžią įgyvendinanti institucija negali dalyvauti nustatant Seimo struktūrą bei darbo tvarką. Ypač svarbus aspektas, kad Seimo struktūra ir demokratiniais principais pagrįsta darbo tvarka užtikrintų, jog šalyje esant bet kokiai situacijai Tautos atstovybė galėtų konstruktyviai, efektyviai, taip pat nepertraukiamai įgyvendinti aukščiausią suverenią šalies žmonių valią bei sudarytų sąlygas kiekvienam Seimo nariui vykdyti Tautos atstovo įgaliojimus. Straipsnyje analizuojama Seimo vykdoma parlamentinės kontrolės funkcija ir jo nuolatinių komitetų teisinės bei praktinės prielaidos efektyviai ir nuolatos vykdyti šią funkciją. Analizuojant Seimo nuolatinių komitetų veiklą pastebima, kad nėra pakankamai išplėtota materialinių ir procesinių teisės normų sistema, kuri sudarytų teisines prielaidas efektyviai bei nuolatos šiems komitetams ir komisijoms vykdyti parlamentinę kontrolę. Iki šiol išlieka aktualus informacijos ir dokumentų teikimo Seimo nuolatiniams komitetas bei jų naudojimo parlamentiniuose tyrimuose klausimas, ypač tais atvejais, kai informacija susijusi su ikiteisminiu ar operatyviniu tyrimais arba sudaro valstybės ar tarnybos paslaptį.

This scientific study is the sequel of works from the Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law at Mykolas Romeris University, aimed at widening the knowledge about constitutions and democratic constitutionalism in the context of comparative constitutional law. It should be noted that after 11 March 1990 the independent Lithuanian state was restored, and no studies about constitutions of other countries or constitutional development experience in Europe and other regions of the world were published. The educational publication "Constitutions of Foreign Countries" was released in order to fill this gap, at least partially. The texts of the constitutions of the French Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (non-consolidated constitutions), the Finnish Republic, the Estonian Republic, the Latvian Republic, the Polish Republic, the United States of America and the Russian Federation were published within. The texts were translated from the respective foreign languages. Compilers of the publication wrote afterwards that it was sought to present the constitutions in the Lithuanian language which was very important in the awakening of constitutionalism, as well as the constitutions that expressed specific political and legal features in Europe. [.]

This scientific study is the sequel of works from the Department of Constitutional Law, Faculty of Law at Mykolas Romeris University, aimed at widening the knowledge about constitutions and democratic constitutionalism in the context of comparative constitutional law. It should be noted that after 11 March 1990 the independent Lithuanian state was restored, and no studies about constitutions of other countries or constitutional development experience in Europe and other regions of the world were published. The educational publication "Constitutions of Foreign Countries" was released in order to fill this gap, at least partially. The texts of the constitutions of the French Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (non-consolidated constitutions), the Finnish Republic, the Estonian Republic, the Latvian Republic, the Polish Republic, the United States of America and the Russian Federation were published within. The texts were translated from the respective foreign languages. Compilers of the publication wrote afterwards that it was sought to present the constitutions in the Lithuanian language which was very important in the awakening of constitutionalism, as well as the constitutions that expressed specific political and legal features in Europe. [.]