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Financial crisis has connected Europe with an obvious common pattern which consists the rapidly rise of protest parties that challenge the established political systems. The basic and new feature of these schemes is the intense war rhetoric against the European Union and the vehement rejection of the selected modes of euro rescue.

In this sense, populism appears as a new specter haunting European democracies, as active risk, causing serious concerns. Unfortunately, the growing concern does not coincide with policies aiming at finding viable solutions, as the center-right parties and governments believe that the only solution to the crisis is to adopt austerity measures and Social Democrats have not yet found effective alternatives.

The outcome of the recent referendum in the UK was straightforwardly affected by the policies followed by the EU. The main factors in which eurosceptics-populists had used in order to collect votes were both the immigration crisis (and the consequent EU policies) and the European political reactions to the economic crisis which increases EU powers, under the German supervision, and decreases national sovereignty. Although these two factors may seem different, they are directly linked as long as they comprise an outcome of the social and democratic deficit of the EU which increased concerns about the future effects in the UK and offered the opportunity for the cultivation of populist ideas. This article aims at indicating the main parameters of the European social and democratic deficit which affected Britons' decision in the referendum while drawing the attention on the restructure of the European policy directions.

Sustainable development concerns the future perspective of natural systems in combination with the social and policy challenges faced by humanity. The three pillars of sustainable development (socio-cultural, economic, environmental) are closely interconnected. This paper examines the role of the social pillar of sustainable development. In particular, social rights aim at the establishment of degrees of social equity and security. Viewed as a component of human rights arising from the social contract, social rights are closely linked to notions of governance associated with social responsibility and social obligations. Their major development took place in the period after the Second World War. In this paper we will focus on employment, education and health care. While the pillars of sustainable development are interconnected, welfare policies are also obviously dependent on economic and cultural factors. We argue that social rights enhance social capital under certain conditions. More generally, we argue that sustainable development and social responsibility are mutually reinforcing. The purpose of this paper is, firstly, to discuss the role of social rights in the promotion of sustainable development and, secondly, to examine the policy paths and governance modes that enhance both social sustainability and sustainable development.

The South European countries have been extensively affected by the financial crisis which is followed by austerity measures and public expenditure restraint, especially for social policies. It is well-known that in the countries that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has become the financial supervisor, because of the extensive economic problems that they encounter, the implementing fiscal adjustment measures concentrate on the reduction of the expenditure and as a result, at the retrenchment of the services provided by the welfare state. Since the onset of the financial crisis, data show that the most affected socioeconomic groups are the middle and especially the vulnerable. It is true that the reduction of the spending for social benefits and services has not yet been associated with an increase in the effectiveness of the social services and as a consequence, the impact on the society is severe. This paper aims at examining the alternatives, from a welfare culture perspective, which can offer viable solutions to the process of reforming the welfare state policies in order to become sustainable while promoting the notion of social solidarity and responsibility.

Purpose:An individual's lack of social connections and social isolation is often associated with feelings of loneliness which is regarded as having a negative effect on health. This paper describes the development and assessment of a 10 item 'Personal Sociability and Connections Scale' (PeSCS) to measure individual's disposition and accompanying skills to seek out companionship and engage in interpersonal relations.Methods:The study was conducted at a rural primary care unit in Northern Greece. A total of 199 attenders were recruited over a 6-week period in 2020 and questionnaires completed. This informed the 10-items PeSCS that comprises Social, Behavioral, and Emotional components focusing on the expression of social comfort, willingness to share experiences, stories and concepts, and feelings of similarity at first contact. Reliability of the PeSC scale was assessed and the relationship with scale scores examined as an indicator of convergent validity. A multivariate linear regression analysis was performed to examine the relationship of PeSC scale score with the characteristics of participants.Results:Assessment of reliability of PeSC scale produced a Cronbach's alpha of 0.809. The relationship between components and the total PeSCS scores identified significant correlations ( p < .001). At a multivariate level, male gender was the sample characteristic with a significant association with scale levels ( p < .05) and higher annual income with Social component ( p < .05). Otherwise the distribution of sociability dispositions was similar across population groups.Conclusion:The 10-item PeSC scale forms a simple and quick to complete measure whose overall reliability was rated as 'meritorious'. The PeSC instrument may be a useful tool for assessing the causes and appropriate responses to the negative health effects of loneliness and social isolation.

Background:The economic crisis' effects on suicide rates for countries undergoing or exiting austerity measures have been widely debated. This integrative review aimed to identify, appraise, and synthesize available evidence of employment status effect on suicide mortality rates in Greece during the recent economic recession period.Methods:A literature review of studies evaluating suicides in the general Greek population, as well as across age and gender groups, in relation to employment during the economic crisis period was performed. PubMed electronic database was searched for relevant articles published in English or Greek language from 2009 up to February 2020. Appraisal was carried out based on the Hierarchy of Evidence Rating System and the GRADE guidelines.Results:A total of 24 articles met all inclusion criteria with 20 of them at level IV, 2 at level VII, and 2 at level VIII. A total of 18 studies reported increase of suicide rates during the economic recession period. About 12 studies examined the co-relation between unemployment and suicide rate, with ten studies showing a positive correlation. Moreover, thirteen studies reported data on the effect of gender and age variables on suicide rates.Conclusion:Evidence shows that suicide mortality rates in Greece increased after the eruption of economic recession, particularly after the implementation of radical austerity measures (2011–2014). This increase was positively correlated with unemployment and was more prominent among males of working age. Further in depth epidemiological research of regional variations in terms of profile and contributing or enabling factors of suicidal behavior is needed.

The refugee problem, which Greece faces since 2015, comprise one of the key challenges for policymakers in terms both of immediate measures to protect refugees in host centers and of the prospects for their smooth integration into the socio-economic system. The research project entitled "Detection and classification of perspectives for the inclusion of refugees in the Greek production system. Case study in Crete and Mytilene", in which this paper is based, focuses on these perspectives. Therefore, within the framework of the triangular research process which was followed, quantitative research through a structured questionnaire was conducted to refugees in the selected area of ​​Mytilene, which has received huge refugee inflows since 2015 and still has a significant refugee population in the host centers. In a second phase, the dimensions, prospects, shortcomings and barriers on the integration of refugees into the labor market were explored through semi-structured interviews in Crete and Mytilene with entrepreneurs and social partners' representatives (75 interviews in each island). The selection of these two geographical areas was carried out in order to investigate the different dimensions and potential opportunities for integration, as long as Mytilene has received extensive refugee inflows while Crete has not received refugee flows and is an appropriate field of entrepreneurship and potential integration of refugees in the production process. Furthermore, 40 narrative interviews were conducted in Crete with "old" integrated refugees and immigrants in order to investigate the problems and challenges they faced during their integration process and the conditions for current refugees in terms of integration. This research is expected to provide useful material for constructing intervention and incentive directions, benefiting refugees' social integration and the evolvement of their social and human capital.

In January 2015 the radical left SYRIZA has won the Greek national elections and formed a coalition government with Independent Greeks (ANEL), a right-wing populist party. After a seven-month negotiation with Greece's creditors and the agreement for the implementation of a third memorandum of fiscal adjustment, SYRIZA announced the conduction of a second round of national elections in September 2015. After a second electoral victory, SYRIZA formed again a coalition government with ANEL. The main characteristic of SYRIZA's pre-electoral campaign was that it has primarily focused on the commitment for austerity measures termination and on the implementation of tax alleviation. Even during the second electoral campaign in September 2015, after the agreement for the implementation of the third memorandum of fiscal adjustment, SYRIZA was promising that its implementation will be socially endued in order to reduce negative social consequences, such as those created by the previous memoranda. Practically though, after the first months of the new memorandum implementation, it is obvious that the government has introduced an unprecedented tax policy. Interestingly, this policy is not different from a traditional left logic of tax enforcement but actually leads to the implementation of horizontal austerity policies which firstly affect the socially vulnerable groups. From this point of view, while SYRIZA emphatically declare that it aims at resolving the crisis, its policies seem to deepen the depression. For instance, its inability to find alternative options to finance the social security system, leads to the implementation of restrictive policies which dismantle the welfare state. This paper aims at analyzing the policies of the first left government in Greece by focusing on the tentative social consequences of the third memorandum and at the same time, studying some of the basic factors for its electoral victory, such as populism.

Migration is a multifaceted issue with a variety of research implications. In the case of Greece, the migration / refugee crisis of 2015 has been the subject of security centered policies since its beginning. Migration practices in Greece in conjunction with official statements (speech acts) from political and generally security actors, such as the police, suggest that migration in Greece has been securitized. The Greek police are a significant security actor that conveys important security messages and exerts significant influence on the public, since their role lies in the maintaining of public order. Yet, their role in the securitization of migration in Greece has been largely unexplored. Market actors are also an important driving force in attitude shaping at the labor market. Thus, the aim of this paper is twofold. First to explore and illustrate the perceptions and attitudes of the Greek police pertaining to migration and its relation to security and second to investigate whether these perceptions do exert influence on Greek market actors in the respective research areas (Crete and Lesvos), thus impeding the migrants'/refugees' integration in the labor market of Greece. In order to do so, a mixed methodology is used, applying both quantitative (structured interviews with police officers) and qualitative (semi-structured interviews with entrepreneurs) methods, so as to investigate whether police officers' stances reinforce market actors' perceptions on refugees with an emphasis on the economic sector of security as referred to by the Copenhagen School. The research was carried out in the Greek islands of Crete and Lesvos. These diverse geographical areas were chosen due to their different socio-economic conditions as well as due to their different migrant/refugee flows, hence providing fertile ground for optimal research outcomes.