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The first comprehensive history of America's attempts to promote international development by exporting private enterprise, a story marked by frequent failure and occasional success. Foreign aid is a primary tool of US foreign policy, but direct financial support and ventures like the Peace Corps constitute just a sliver of the American global development pie. Since the 1940s, the United States has relied on the private sector to carry out its ambitions in the developing world. This is the first full account of what has worked and, more often, what has failed in efforts to export American-style capitalism. Ethan Kapstein draws on archival sources and his wide-ranging experience in international development to provide penetrating case studies from Latin America and East Asia to the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan, and Iraq. After WWII the Truman and Eisenhower administrations urged US companies to expand across the developing world. But corporations preferred advanced countries, and many developing nations, including Taiwan and South Korea, were cool to foreign investment. The Cold War made exporting capitalism more important than ever, even if that meant overthrowing foreign governments. The fall of the Soviet Union brought new opportunities as the United States promoted privatization and the bankrolling of local oligarchs. Following the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, the United States had blank slates for building these economies, but ongoing conflict eroded such hopes. Kapstein's sobering history shows that private enterprise is no substitute for foreign aid. Investors are often unwilling to put capital at risk in unstable countries. Only in settings with stable governments and diverse economic elites can private enterprise take root. These lessons are crucial as the United States challenges China for global influence

Introduction -- Grievance theory and U.S. foreign policy -- The strategy of reformist intervention -- Land to the tiller in the early Cold War: Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Italy -- Land reform as counterinsurgency policy: the Philippines and South Vietnam -- Land reform and social revolution in Latin America: 1952-1990 -- Iran: did land reform backfire? -- Land and conflict in the 21st century -- The future of reformist intervention

Recent years have seen a growing number of activists, scholars, and even policymakers claiming that the global economy is unfair and unjust, particularly to developing countries and the poor within them. But what would a fair or just global economy look like? Economic Justice in an Unfair World seeks to answer that question by presenting a bold and provocative argument that emphasizes economic relations among states. The book provides a market-oriented focus, arguing that a just international economy would be one that is inclusive, participatory, and welfare-enhancing for all states. Reject

The objective of this paper is to provide a balanced assessment of international cooperation among financial regulators, with a focus on banking supervision. While recognizing the undeniable -- and even unexpected -- achievements of these regulators in building a cooperative framework for financial supervision, we also suggest that this remains a work in progress, given the contemporary financial risk environment. Briefly, we argue that this environment -- to the extent we understand it, for it remains opaque in important respects -- has an almost paradoxical quality, in that risk has become both more consolidated and more atomized at the same time. On the one hand, large and complex financial institutions (LCFIs) which may be "too big to fail", increasingly dominate the banking landscape; on the other, these same institutions have shifted at least a portion of their risks onto other firms and households, whose absorptive capacity has yet to be severely tested. It is the effectiveness of the international supervisory architecture in the face of this risk environment that we consider, and we then provide some suggestions for future policy reforms

This article sheds light on the role of foreign direct investment as an instrument for economic development and, in turn, for the advancement of U.S. foreign policy goals during the Cold War. From the earliest days of the Cold War, and especially after the U.S.-Soviet competition for influence in the developing world began in the 1950s, the United States sought to promote private enterprise on behalf of U.S. goals. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, U.S. officials believed that foreign investment would suffice to fuel international development, obviating the need for official development assistance. These hopes, however, were largely disappointed. On the one hand, U.S.-based multinational companies preferred to invest in the industrial world; on the other hand, some Third World governments were uninterested in promoting private enterprise rather than state-led development. In part because foreign investment did not meet expectations, the U.S. government ended up elaborating an official foreign aid program instead.

AbstractFollowing the 2007–2008 world food price crisis, the value of developing world agricultural land shot up, raising concerns about a 'land grab', In response, the Committee on World Food Security (CFS) promulgated the Voluntary Guidelines on the Governance of Tenure of Land, Forests and Fisheries (VGGT) in an effort to strengthen the land rights of customary users. How do we explain the VGGT's emergence? The argument I make is that the VGGT was largely due to the efforts of a group of non‐governmental organizations that effectively transformed debates over developing world agricultural land from an economic or consequentialist issue of increasing farm productivity and output into a moral or deontological one of protecting the human rights of those who worked the land through customary use. The article addresses the utility of the VGGT as an instrument for strengthening land rights along with its limits.