Suchergebnisse

Gegenstand der Untersuchung sind die Bedingungen, unter denen Solidarnosc im August 1980 als erste freie Gewerkschaft in einem kommunistischen Land gegründet wurde. Im Mittelpunkt der Arbeit stehen die Ereignisse im Umfeld der Lenin-Werft in Gdansk. Der Verfasser konzentriert sich vor allem auf die Frage, welche Bedeutung polnische Intellektuelle für die Entstehung von Solidarnosc hatten. Er fragt, auf welche Weise eine Allianz zwischen oppositioneller Intelligentsia und oppositionellen Arbeitern zustandekam und zeigt, daß Solidarnosc Resultat einer komplexen Koalition zwischen Arbeitern und Intellektuellen auf der Basis eines bereits entwickelten politischen Bewußtseins der Arbeiterklasse im Baltikum war. (BIOst-Wpt)

Planning the strike in the Lenin Shipyard in Aug. 1980; whether intellectuals are a necessary part of working class struggles. Workers' Defense Committee (KOR).

This paper compares the political values and viewpoints of Americans with those of citizens of 19 other wealthy democracies. Drawing on the long history of scholarship and debate about "American Exceptionalism," we ask whether Americans' positions on issues of governance, taxation, equality, religion, and morality are significantly different from those of people in comparable countries in Europe and elsewhere. Using data from the International Social Survey Program's Role of Government survey, the World Values Survey, and other sources, we show that, on almost all of these questions, Americans' views are on average substantially to the right of those of people in our comparison countries: Americans are less supportive of redistribution and government intervention in the economy, are more likely to blame poverty on the failings of the poor, and are by far more religious. These findings confirm that Americans are on the whole more right-leaning than Europeans, Canadians, Australians, New Zealanders, and the Japanese.

This paper presents an Index of Societal Well-Being based on nine domains that represent essential components of a healthy, well-functioning society: the Economy, Education, Health, the Polity, the Environment, Social Capital, Mental Health and Subjective Well-Being, Crime and Incarceration, and Mobility andOpportunity. The paper describes the placement of 20 wealthy democracies on this index and on the domains that compose it. It then presents preliminary analyses of the relationships between the political and economic structure of these countries and their Societal Well-Being Index scores. Ideal-typical examples of three economic models--social democratic, coordinated, and liberal market--are identified. Societal well-being scores of countries adhering to the social democratic model rank relatively high, while societies adhering to the liberal market economy model tend to rank at the lower end of the index, with coordinated market economies performing slightly better. There is also a strong relationship between combined strength of unions and left-wing parties, on the one hand, and overall societal well-being, on the other. As a society with a weak left that is also the purest expression of the liberal market economy model, the low ranking of theUnited Stateson the Societal Well-Being Index follows the general pattern.

Most analyses of the effects of college rank on labor market outcomes focus on its average impact across sub‐populations and employment situations. The framework adopted in this paper, however, suggests that the effects of college rank may vary by individual characteristics and type of job. Using data from the 1973 Occupational Changes in a Generation Survey, we test three hypotheses suggesting that occupational advantage, as measured either by family of origin or current position, is a significant determinant of capacity to convert increments in college prestige into labor market success. The findings suggest that where one went to college is especially consequential for (1) the occupational status of individuals from professional families; (2) the earnings of individuals from both professional and managerial families; and (3) the earnings of individuals in both professional and managerial positions. Overall, these findings tend to confirm the study's underlying hypothesis that aggregate analyses of college rank may be misleading when applied across sub‐populations and employment situations.