The civil war broke out on March 15, 2011 with the political tension between either domestically legitimate or illegimate actors in Syria so that many people had impelledly or forcedly to migrate neighboring countries via crossing the land or maritime boundaries. These demographic transitions, in which many people, particularly children lost their lives, led admittedly European and Middle Eastern authorities to pursue the state of migratory exception policies. The state of exception revealing the homo sacer through including the exclusion of bodies, considering the use of Giorgio Agamben, corresponds to the temporary suspension of de facto legal norms, but the permanent state of this temporality. By problematizing the exemplary cases from European and Middle Eastern countries, this paper therefore copes not only with the exclusion of Syrians as homines sacri who are the subject of inclusionary techniques with regard to the spatial management of boats, cities and camps but the outlawry of existing juridico-political capabilities, also which may flexibly rule over the ways encompassing their lives and deaths.
In: Ortadoğu etütleri: siyaset ve uluslararası ilişkiler dergisi = Middle Eastern studies : journal of politics and international relations, Volume 13, Issue 2, p. 155-176
How useful Article 5 is in providing collective defense has become a matter of discussion in Turkey, particularly in recent years. This study has analyzedTurkey's formal critical narrative about the article's benefits. Article 5 is also known as the "One for all and all for one" principle and concluded that facts and beliefs aredifferent from each other. The study argues that NATO membership secured the Turkish state, and Turkey's position is no different from other members in terms of collectivedefense. It also found out that the reliance on Article 5 has diminished among member states due to waning loyalty to the organization. Furthermore, some NATOmembers' passive postures estranged Turkey from the alliance.
There has been a large number of challenges to undemocratic regimes of the Middle East by their populations due to the ban on their participation to the decision-making process. Among many factors, Islamic faith and legislation are regarded to have more role in political conflicts than others. Particularly, the idea that Islam and democracy are not compatible with each other has prevailed and led to other reasons to be ignored in debates. This study analyzes the reasons for democracy deficit in the region such as insecure circumstances that enable governments to abandon basic human and political rights, hydrocarbon revenues that make regimes non-dependent to populations, tribalism which is inherent to traditional Middle Eastern politics, the lack of civil society and the Islam effect. The study asserts that the role of Islam is unfairly exaggerated since it does not offer a certain political system. Besides, such approaches also mean underestimating the magnitude of the damages other reasons cause. By analyzing the impact of Islam on governance, its use as a tool by political and anti-political Islamists as well as its compliance with democracy, this research aims to reveal to what extent Islam can be attributed to democracy deficit of the region.
This dissertation focuses on the role of soft power in Qatar's foreign policy, which has transformed it into a model country and has made the country become a success story in terms of exertion of soft power. Analyzing Qatar's soft power is a necessity as only few countries have shown such conspicuous accomplishment. Theoretically, the study argues that there are primary powers, such as hard power and economic power, and derivative powers, such as soft power. In addition, it contends that power, rather than size, matters in defining whether a state is small, middle, or large. Finally, it claims that international relations theories fail to explain Qatar's policies. The study also tries to introduce 'combined power' and 'hired power' to the literature. Regarding Qatar, based on the research laid down in the manuscript, this study concludes that Qatar has become a middle power through its soft power tools, such as foreign policy, foreign investment, foreign aid, and Al Jazeera media network. Besides, hosting Fifa 2022 World Cup will sharply boost its image. The distinction of Qatar is that it hardens its soft power for its ends, such as ensuring its sovereignty, contending with its regional rivals, and becoming an influential international player. In terms of scope, the study limits its analysis to the period between 1995 and 2020. Concerning methodology, both quantitive and qualitative researches were used in completing the dissertation. In aaddition to articles, books, reports, news, and state documents that were reviewed throughout the study, special interviews were also conducted with Qatari officials, academicians, journalists, and expatriates in Doha. This study is expected to contribute to the existing literature regarding power, states, and international theories by elucidating the case of Qatar. ; Bu tez, Katar'ın dış politikasında yumuşak gücün rolüne odaklanmaktır -ki Katar bu sayede yumuşak gücün uygulanmasında model bir ülke olmanın yanısıra bir başarı hikayesi de yazmıştır. Katar'ın dış politikasını analiz etmek bir gereksinimdir. Çünkü çok az ülke bu bağlamda bu kadar dikkat çekici bir başarı göstermiştir. Kuramsal olarak, çalışma sert güç ve ekonomik güç gibi ana güç türleriyle yumuşak güç gibi türev güçlerin olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Diğer yandan, devletlerin büyüklüğü için ölçünün nüfus veya toprakların büyüklüğü değil devletlerin gücü olduğunu öne sürmektedir. Son olarak, uluslararası ilişkiler teorilerinin Qatar'ın politikalarını izah edemediğini iddia etmektedir. Çalışma ayrıca 'birleştirilmiş güç' ve 'kiralık güç' kavramlarını literatüre kazandırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Katar bağlamında, tez için yapılan araştırmalara dayanarak, bu çalışma Katar'ın dış politika, dış yatırımlar, insani yardım ve El Cezire medya grubu gibi yumuşak güç araçları sayesinde orta büyüklükte bir devlet olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Ayrıca, FIFA 2020 Dünya Kupası turnuvasına ev sahipliği yapmak imajını önemli derecede artıracaktır. Katar'ın münhasırlığı şudur ki; ülke, yumuşak gücünü sertleştirerek egemenliğini güvenceye almak, bölgedeki rakipleriyle çekişmek ve etkili bir uluslararası oyuncu olmayı başarabilmektedir. Çalışma kapsam olarak 1995 ile 2020 yılları arasındaki dönemle sınırlıdır. Yöntemsel olarak nitel ve nicel araştırma türleri kullanılmış olup, konuyla ilgili makale, kitap, haber, rapor ve devlet dökümanlarına bakılmasının yanısıra, Doha'da bürokrat, gazeteci, akademisyen ve yabancı işçilerle röportajlar yapılmıştır. Bu çalışma Katar'ı inceleyerek aynı zamanda güç, devletler ve uluslararası ilişkiler teorileriyle ilgili literatüre katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
This article examines the history and outcomes of Hamas' involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. By using published sources and conducting interviews with five incumbent Hamas officials living abroad, the article evaluates the group's achievements and failures since the onset of its active role in the military struggle against Israel and in Palestinian politics against the other main actor, Fatah. It concludes that Hamas, while achieving some success in its military struggle against Israel, has not delivered the expectations of the Palestinian people, partly because it was squeezed into to the Gaza Strip by the Palestinian Authority, and partly because international actors have blocked aid from entering the Hamas-controlled areas. Hamas is expected to continue fighting, but may partially withdraw from politics, as the people of Gaza are not happy with its governance due to higher unemployment, as well as the Israeli blockade and attacks.
One of the distinguishing features of educational institutions is that the learning and teaching processes that are at their core are mostly carried out by expert educators independently on their own in the classroom. This state of independence and solitude causes collegial solidarity to emerge as a more important issue for educational institutions when compared to other institutions. This study examines the mediators of the relationship between educators' collegial solidarity and job performance. This study examines the mediating roles of three individual variables (i.e., thriving at work, self-efficacy, and work engagement) and three institutional variables (i.e., collegial relations, administrative support, and organizational climate) have on the relationship between educators' collegial solidarity and job performance using data collected from a total of 766 participants working at educational institutions. It has been determined that institutional and individual variables have a mediating effect in the relationship between educators' colleague solidarity and job performance. It was observed that institutional variables had a weaker mediating effect than individual variables in this effect. This result shows that the unique nature of the education profession reveals a different structure in terms of the variables examined in the research.
Örgütler faaliyetlerini verimli bir şekilde sürdürmek için, kendi içlerinde ödül ve disiplin kuralları geliştirirler. Örgüt içinde yer alan ödül ve ceza sistemlerini kurup uygulamak önemli bir yönetim stratejisidir. Bu çalışma Türkiye'de okul yöneticilerinin, ödül alma, şikâyet edilme, inceleme-soruşturma geçirme ve disiplin cezası alma durumlarını ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlamaktadır. Araştırma, betimsel tarama yönteminde yapılmış bir çalışmadır. Veriler, araştırmacılar tarafından geliştirilmiş bir anket aracılığıyla 324 okul yöneticisi ve yönetici yardımcısından, 2019 yılında toplanmıştır. Araştırma bulgularına göre son üç yılda okul yöneticilerinin yarıya yakını ödüllendirilmiş, yaklaşık üçte biri şikâyet edilmiş, yaklaşık dörtte biri soruşturma geçirmiş ve yaklaşık onda biri ceza almıştır. Bu bulgular çerçevesinde eğitim kurumlarında üst yönetimler okul yöneticilerine yönelik ödüllendirmeyi cezalandırmaya göre daha fazla tercih etmekte ve cezalandırma gerektiğinde hafif cezalar vermektedirler. Yönetimde ödül ve ceza olgusunun eğitim kurumlarının etkililiğine ve verimliliğine katkıları derinlemesine araştırılmayı beklemektedir.
The main purpose of this study is to determine how power usage styles of administrators of faculties of education influence the organizational culture in their respective faculties in Turkey. Using the phenomenological method, a qualitative research method, researchers studied a group comprised of 20 academics from 7 different colleges of education employed during the 2011-2012 academic year. In order to select the appropriate study group, maximum variation technique was used since it is one of the purposive sampling methods. The data were gathered using semi- structured interview questions developed by the researchers themselves and were analyzed using descriptive statistical techniques. In this study, it was found that while the administrators of this group mostly used legal, coercive, and reward power styles, charismatic and expertise power styles did not have a significant impact on members of their respective faculties. It was further found that administrators' usage of legal, coercive, and reward power styles bread both organizational cultures of power and bureaucracy. It was concluded that, due to the lack of charismatic and expertise power styles, cultures of success and support are unable to flourish in such faculties and that there are even difficulties in setting up a fully functional bureaucratic culture. As a result of this study, the researchers have suggested that in order to develop an organizational culture with all of its necessary components in faculties of education, administrators should be assigned through democratic selection methods, that they be trained in administrators training programs, and that a peer mentoring system should be developed in faculties of education.
