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This article explores the under-researched issue of how constitutional change is brought about in modern democracies. Despite the fundamental importance of constitutions, we know surprisingly little about whether constitutional change is achieved by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. Which is the more common method and what variations in the use of these different methods are there in democratic political systems? This study systematically compares the use of explicit and implicit constitutional change in European Union (EU) Member States. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between EU countries. The article closes by discussing the road towards a theory of constitutional change. It does so by presenting five testable propositions that could lay the foundation for a theory of constitutional change. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis article explores the under‐researched issue of how constitutional change is brought about in modern democracies. Despite the fundamental importance of constitutions, we know surprisingly little about whether constitutional change is achieved by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. Which is the more common method and what variations in the use of these different methods are there in democratic political systems? This study systematically compares the use of explicit and implicit constitutional change in European Union (EU) Member States. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between EU countries. The article closes by discussing the road towards a theory of constitutional change. It does so by presenting five testable propositions that could lay the foundation for a theory of constitutional change.

On 1 January 1995 Sweden became member of the European Union. This basic fact is not mentioned in Sweden's fundamental law. Nor does the Swedish constitution have anything to say about the important changes to the practice of public policymaking that have taken place since Sweden joined the EU. At the same time, it is indeed apparent that the basic rules of the political game in Sweden have been transformed dramatically after EU accession. This constitutional change, however has taken place without any substantial changes being made to the wording of the most important of Sweden's four fundamental laws, i.e., the Instrument of Government (regeringsformen). Constitutional change can be brought about in two different ways: Constitutional amendment, or explicit constitutional change, refers to a change of the rules of the game which implies a modified wording of the constitutional text. Constitutional alteration, or implicit constitutional change, means the constitutional document itself remains unaltered while its meaning is changed through judicial interpretation or legislative action. How frequently used are these different methods when it comes to the constitutional changes brought about by EU membership? How can we explain the differences between member states? How can these competing methods for constitutional change be normatively justified? Is one of them to be preferred? The research project "Hur regleras EU-medlemskapet?" seeks to answer these questions in a comparative study on how EU membership regulated in different member states. Adapted from the source document.

Identifies radical changes made by one organization in production principles and managerial issues behind the production system design, over a time period of 25 years. Finds that managerial perspectives moved away from a focus on handling problems (although with visions of work organization), to a focus on strategic, competitive advantages for the production system. Concludes that the short‐cycled workstation has been tied conceptually to the line, and the team to the dock. Finally, points out that the "experimental" plant plays an important role in the development of radically new ideas for production concepts, and that ideas from the solution in one‐step, play important parts in later generations.

An analysis of the strategies and structures of original equipment
manufacturer (OEM) firms, consisting mainly of automobile firms but also
including manufacturers of white goods and grey goods. The study has
been going on for the last ten years and included perceived strategies
on the management of technology. Concludes that networks are developed
as a major operating unit and are taking over as the managed unit from
the firms themselves. Globalization is a major trend where all kinds of
activities are allocated due to competences, prices, etc. on each
location. The firms and the networks which they are operating in are
building hierarchies of technology for best use of technical competence
globally. Other such hierarchical levels of technical competences are
being built between competitors in what are called "strategic
alliances, strategic bridging" and other concepts. The OEM firm
itself is concentrating on developing its competence in system
integration technology concerning the final product in question.
Competences in developing and building such optimally integrated final
products are focused while special technologies going into this system
are procured from different outside sources.

This article offers a comprehensive comparison of oppositional behaviour in European Union (EU) affairs in six countries: Austria, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. By drawing on a unique data set of hand-coded statements made by Members of Parliament during European Affairs Committee (EAC) meetings it provides new knowledge on political opposition. The data uncover that there is more opposition expressed in EU affairs than has been assumed by previous research. The results also reveal that there exists considerable cross-national variation in oppositional behaviour during EAC deliberations in the six countries. The study finally shows that Eurosceptic parties are key drivers of opposition in EU affairs, especially when it comes to opposition directed at the EU political system.