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How Democracy Promotion Became a Key Aim of Sweden's Development Aid Policy
In: Chapter for the volume Do-gooders at the end of aid, edited by Kristian Bjørkdahl and Antoine de Bengy Puyvallé, Cambridge University Press (Forthcoming).
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The co-originality of human rights and democracy in an international order
In: International theory: IT ; a journal of international politics, law and philosophy, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 96-124
ISSN: 1752-9719
World Affairs Online
Legitimacy, Global Governance and Human Rights Institutions: Inverting the Puzzle
In: The legitimacy of international human rights regimes: Legal, political and philosophical perspectives, edited by Andreas Føllesdal, Johan Karlsson Schaffer & Geir Ulfstein, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013, pages 212–42
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Conflict of Interest: Inclusion and Transformation in Democratic Theory
In: University of Oslo Faculty of Law Research Paper No. 2014-09
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A Pluralist Approach to the Practice of Human Rights
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What Would 'Eleanor Roosevelt' Do? A Reply to Karp
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The Co-Originality of Human Rights and Democracy in an International Order
In: International Theory 7:1, 2015, 96–124. doi: 10.1017/S1752971914000426
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The boundaries of transnational democracy: alternatives to the all-affected principle
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 321-342
ISSN: 1469-9044
Recently, theorists have sought to justify transnational democracy by means of the all-affected principle, which claims that people have a right to participate in political decision-making that affects them. I argue that this principle is neither logically valid nor feasible as a way of determining the boundaries of democratic communities. First, specifying what it means to be affected is itself a highly political issue, since it must rest on some disputable theory of interests; and the principle does not solve the problem of how to legitimately constitute the demos, since such acts, too, are decisions which affect people. Furthermore, applying the principle comes at too high a cost: either political boundaries must be redrawn for each issue at stake or we must ensure that democratic politics only has consequences within an enclosed community and that it affects its members equally. Secondly, I discuss three possible replacements for the all-affected principle: (a) applying the all-affected principle to second-order rules, not to decisions; (b) drawing boundaries so as to maximise everyone's autonomy; (c) including everyone who is subject to the law. I conclude by exploring whether (c) would support transnational democracy to the extent that a global legal order is emerging. Adapted from the source document.