Suchergebnisse

The inter-coup period between 1960 and 1980 is a period full of crises when Turkey witnessed important transformations in political, economic and social areas as well as foreign policy area. Although the Cyprus problem was Turkey's most important agenda in foreign policy area, significant developments occurred also in the Middle East policy, particularly in relations with Arab countries. In the literature on this subject, studies belonging to this period consists generally of the breakdown of developments experienced or the analysis of policies applied by the governments. The aim of this study, however, is to analyze the reflections of Turkey's Middle East policy on the opposition in the said period. Such an analysis is necessary to understand how developments experienced in domestic policy shaped foreign policy in the process of twenty yearsfull of crises and the reflections of foreign policy on domestic political actors with respect to opposition. The reason for this is that the inter-coup period was the period whereby the most speedy government-opposition cycle was experienced due to political instability and that it gives an opportunity to compare between the discourses of the parties in the opposition and their practices in the government. The primary resources to be used in the study will be the records of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) belonging to budget discussions. First, the domestic and foreign dynamics shaping Turkey's Middle East policy will be analyzed. Then, the reflections of Turkey's Middle East policy on the opposition will be studied under two main topics: political relations and economic relations with the Middle East countries. The most fundamental results obtained from this study are that the government and the opposition met on common ground with respect to the Middle East policies in this process where a profound political polarization and division were experienced in Turkey and that the struggles and conflicts occurred in domestic policy was not reflected in the samre way to ...

National interest is a widely debated concept in the IR literature while analyzing foreign policies of states. This paper analyzes Turkey's national interests in the 1950s and argues that they were hard to define commonly for all and there were convergence as well as divergence between the government and the opposition in the definition of national interests. As a result, despite the continuity, specifically, in the development of Turkish-American relations and the Middle East policy in the first half of the decade, Middle East and Cyprus policies in the second half caused split between two sides. Such an argument can be regarded as a contribution to the third way in the literature mainly divided by the "continuity vs rupture" debate in Turkish foreign policy and definition of national interests between Democrat Party (DP) and Republican People's Party (RPP). ; Ulusal çıkar kavramı devletlerin dış politikalarının analizinde uluslararası ilişkiler disiplini tarafından en çok tartışılan kavramlardan biridir. Bu makalenin amacı Türkiye'de 1950'li yıllarda ulusal çıkar kavramının tanımlanış şeklini analiz etmektir. Çalışmanın temel argümanı bu yıllarda Türkiye'nin ulusal çıkarlarının herkes için ortak bir tanımı olmadığının yanı sıra iktidar ile muhalefet arasında farklılıklar olduğu kadar benzerlikler de bulunduğudur. Sonuç olarak, muhalefet Türk-Amerikan İlişkileri ve Türkiye'nin 1950'li yılların ilk yarısındaki Ortadoğu siyaseti ile ilgili konularda iktidara destek verirken; bu on yılın ikinci yarısında Ortadoğu'da ve Kıbrıs'ta yaşanan krizlerle ilgili sert eleştiriler yöneltmiştir. Bu tarz bir sonuç; Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP) ve Demokrat Parti (DP) arasında dış politika alanında "devamlılık vs kopuş" tartışması etrafında bölünmüş olan literatürde; bu iki görüş arasında ortaya çıkabilecek üçüncü bir görüşe katkı sunmayı hedeflemektedir. ; No sponsor

In the 1950s, the Democrat Party government in Turkey adopted a more active policy in the Middle East. This strategy had three dimensions: (1) to implement policies in the region in accordance with the USA in order to maintain American political, economic, and military support; (2) to play a bridge role between the West and the Middle East to gain the support of smaller states in the Baghdad Pact; and (3) to develop economic relations with states in the region especially during crises in the late 1950s. This article argues that Turkish decision-makers tried to act strategically, despite their misreading of developments and dynamics in the Middle East, and that they pursued pro-American policies as long as they served Turkish interests. Accordingly, they did not hesitate to establish economic relations with the Soviet Union and Egypt, with which Turkey had problematic political relations, when US support declined. ; No sponsor

The control and transportation of Middle East oil to the West was of vital importance for the Western powers during the Cold War. The nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 and the Israeli attack on Egypt, which was supported by the UK and France, impeded the secure transportation of Middle East oil. The crisis was overcome, and the secure transfer of oil continued at the end. However, the Western powers were in search of additional ways to protect the flow of oil, and oil pipeline projects through Turkey were formulated and discussed, which reflected the policies of Western powers and other related actors toward Turkey and other Middle East states and oil companies regarding the oil issue, although these projects were not realized. This study analyzes the developments regarding these oil pipeline projects, and argues that the changing interests and perceptions of these actors, regardless of alliances or hostilities among them, shaped the pipeline project negotiations and the ultimate results. ; Soğuk Savaş döneminde Orta Doğu petrolünün kontrolü ve Batıya taşınması Batılı güçler için hayati bir önemdeydi. 1956 yılında Süez Kanalı'nın millileştirilmesi sonucu İngiltere ve Fransa'nın desteği ile İsrail'in Mısır'a saldırması Orta Doğu petrolünün güvenli bir şekilde taşınmasını engellese de nihayetinde kriz son buldu ve petrolün güvenli bir şekilde akışı sağlandı. Kriz sırasında Batılı güçler petrolün akışını korumak için farklı yollar aradılar ve bu yollardan birisi olarak da Türkiye'den petrol boru hattı geçirilmesi düşüncesin değerlendirildiler. Her ne kadar bu değerlendirmeler uygulamaya konulmamış olsa da Batılı güçlerin petrol konusunda Türkiye ve Orta Doğu'nun diğer ülkeleri ve petrol şirketlerine yönelik politikalarını yansıtmaktadır. Bu çalışma petrol boru hatları ile ilgili gelişmeleri analiz ederek petrolün akışında söz sahibi olan aktörlerin dostluk veya düşmanlık ayırımı yapmadan değişen çıkarları ve bakış açılarının petrol boru hatları projelerinin pazarlıklarını ve sonucunu belirlediği tezini sunmaktadır. ; No sponsor