The "Russian world" concept is constantly employed in political and media discourse. Despite its active use, no single comprehensive definition exists in scientific literature. In this study, a brief version of the "Russian world" term conceptualization was presented, including two categorical series of semantic formations (social groups and value systems) and three axiological conceptual functions of the "Russian world". In addition, newly formed narratives in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian war encountered only within the framework of Ukrainian discourse were identified. As research material, Russian and Ukrainian-language texts from the Ukrainian media reflecting the consequences of Russia's military actions on the territory of Ukraine through the prism of the "Russian world" concept were adopted. The work was conducted applying semantic analysis, contextual analysis, and the substitution method.
Over the past two decades, Russian foreign policy has evolved significantly. Its aim is to seek a change in the global balance of power. This evolution proceeded from attempts to establish cooperation with the West, through a confrontational narrative, ending with political and military actions. The purpose of this article is to analyze the present Russian view of the current international order and to define its future shape based on assumptions and specific actions in the sphere of the aforementioned foreign policy. Particularly useful for the needs of the conducted research is the reference to the theory of political realism. This is determined by the fact that the Russian Federation, contesting the current hegemonic international order, aims to create a multipolar world with the key balancing role of the great powers.
The transformation of the Russian foreign and security policy based on a more courageous use of military potential is a fact. Over the past several years, Russia has moved from articulating its interests to their enforcement with the use of military force. This article focuses on analyzing this process and identifying its potential consequences for global security. The conclusions drawn by the author, based on the conducted research, allow to state that the armed forces are and will be an important instrument of the Russian foreign and security policy. This does not mean, however, that the Russian Federation will strive for an armed conflict posing a threat to international security.
Transformacja rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa oparta na coraz odważniejszym korzystaniu z potencjału militarnego jest faktem. Na przestrzeni ostatnich kilkunastu lat Rosja przeszła od artykułowania swoich interesów do ich egzekwowania przez zastosowanie siły militarnej. Niniejszy artykuł został skoncentrowany wokół analizy tego procesu oraz określenia jego potencjalnych konsekwencji dla światowego bezpieczeństwa. Wnioski, które sformułowała autorka w oparciu o przeprowadzone badania pozwalają stwierdzić, że siły zbrojne są i będą ważnym instrumentem rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa, co nie oznacza jednak, że Federacja Rosyjska będzie dążyła do konfliktu zbrojnego stanowiącego zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa w wymiarze międzynarodowym. ; The transformation of the Russian foreign and security policy based on a more courageous use of military potential is a fact. Over the past several years, Russia has moved from articulating its interests to their enforcement with the use of military force. This article focuses on analyzing this process and identifying its potential consequences for global security. The conclusions drawn by the author, based on the conducted research, allow to state that the armed forces are and will be an important instrument of the Russian foreign and security policy. This does not mean, however, that the Russian Federation will strive for an armed conflict posing a threat to international security.
Paradoxically, the process of reintegration of post-Soviet area has been taking place since the collapse of the USSR. The motive of Russia's efforts to reintegrate this region is the historically driven belief in Moscow's role as a leader in this part of the world, and the strong cultural, economic and political ties that connect it with the former Soviet republics. The former republics of the USSR also feel strong ties with Russia. In addition, the ruling elites feared the future after the collapse of the USSR, especially at the beginning of the formation of their independent statehood, which determined the decision to establish strong cooperation with Russia. Today, after nearly thirty years, the reintegration process still continues although its intensity and the number of countries involved have changed. One of its areas is the sphere of security, which is confirmed by the activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, where Russia plays a key role. In this context, the author attempted to answer the question: What role does the CSTO play in Russia's foreign policy?
Paradoxically, the process of reintegration of post-Soviet area has been taking place since the collapse of the USSR. The motive of Russia's efforts to reintegrate this region is the historically driven belief in Moscow's role as a leader in this part of the world, and the strong cultural, economic and political ties that connect it with the former Soviet republics. The former republics of the USSR also feel strong ties with Russia. In addition, the ruling elites feared the future after the collapse of the USSR, especially at the beginning of the formation of their independent statehood, which determined the decision to establish strong cooperation with Russia. Today, after nearly thirty years, the reintegration process still continues although its intensity and the number of countries involved have changed. One of its areas is the sphere of security, which is confirmed by the activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, where Russia plays a key role. In this context, the author attempted to answer the question: What role does the CSTO play in Russia's foreign policy?
The post-Soviet states are also known as the former Soviet Republics (FSR). With the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Moscow lost almost a quarter of its territory and nearly 150,000,000 people. As a result of this process, 15 sovereign states emerged or reemerged. The post-Soviet states are very diverse in terms of culture, economy, and politics. Moreover, the phenomenon of terrorism varies in the indicated area. The research goal of this study is to identify trends related to terrorism taking place in the post-Soviet space in the years 2014-2020 (in some cases, the analysis covers the years 2015-2019, due to data availability). The research area covers the former Soviet republics, which are further divided by the author into four subregions (Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Transcaucasia, and Baltic states) that are linked by cultural and geopolitical factors. Therefore, the research object covers 15 states and 4 subregions.
The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.
The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.
The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire.
This chapter presents how important place the energy resources occupy in the policy of the Russian Federation. Many countries, including Ukraine, Belarus and Georgia strongly feel the Russian "petro-force", based on taking advantage of oil and gas as a tool of foreign policy. That power is founded on the superiority of the Russian economy and its dominant position in the region. In recent years, Russia is using its energy potential. Openly rewards allies and punishes enemies, carefully using a variety of tactics, from threats or prices increase to absolute embargoes, that cause loss to the Moscow's opponents, both in terms of economic and increased political instability. Kremlin's energy policy is a threat to all countries that import Russian oil and gas, especially in the case of small, poor, dependent states, which Russia considers to be near abroad (ближнее зарубежье) the former Soviet republics. However, the Russian authorities use their influence not only to reward friends and punish enemies, trying to regain its influence over the region. Also express the ambitions of regaining power, because the impact of the Kremlin goes far beyond the direct neighbors. ; Publikacja recenzowana ; Niniejszy artykuł ukazuje, jak istotne miejsce zajmują surowce energetyczne w polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej. Wiele państw, w tym Ukraina, Białoruś czy Gruzja, silnie odczuwają rosyjską "petro-siłę", opartą na wykorzystywaniu zasobów ropy naftowej i gazu jako narzędzia polityki zagranicznej. Potęga ta bazuje na przewadze rosyjskiej gospodarki i jej dominującej pozycji w regionie. W ostatnich latach Rosja wykorzystuje swój potencjał energetyczny. Otwarcie wynagradza sprzymierzeńców i karze wrogów, starannie wykorzystując różnorodne taktyki, od gróźb czy podniesienia cen do bezwarunkowych embarg, które wywołują straty u przeciwników Moskwy, zarówno pod względem ekonomicznym jak i zwiększonej niestabilności politycznej. Polityka energetyczna Kremla jest zagrożeniem dla wszystkich państw, które importują rosyjską ropę naftową i gaz, szczególnie w przypadku państw małych, biednych, zależnych, które Rosja uznaje za bliską zagranicę (ближнее зарубежье), tj. byłe republiki radzieckie. Jednakże rosyjskie władze wykorzystują swoje wpływy nie tylko, by nagradzać przyjaciół i karać wrogów, starając się odzyskać swoje wpływy nad regionem. Wyrażają również ambicje odzyskania potęgi, ponieważ wpływ działań Kremla wykracza daleko poza bezpośrednich sąsiadów.
