Suchergebnisse

Les ethnographes sont particulièrement exposés aux pressions qui les poussent tout à la fois à faire puis à rompre leurs promesses de confidentialité envers leurs enquêtés, dont ils exposent la vie de manière relativement transparente. En décrivant la schizophrénie qui menace désormais d'envahir leur travail, cet article décrit les risques auxquels tous les ethnographes sont confrontés et indique une stratégie collective encore inexplorée pour résister aux pressions visant à rompre les promesses de confidentialité. Adoptant un point de vue collectif puis individuel, l'article examine les différentes étapes que comporte la recherche ethnographique, en suggérant des moyens pour minimiser les risques personnels et éthiques qu'elle implique.

AbstractIn each of four nearby city areas, residents orient to local centers of collective activity in different geographic patterns. In a "perimeter" neighborhood, residents and outsiders are drawn to religious and retail organizations located on streets that form a rectangle. In an "intersection" neighborhood, residents are most visible to each other at an agglomeration of stores and services located where two high traffic streets cross. Residents of an "in-between" area travel to socio-economically and culturally different neighborhoods centered in all directions elsewhere. In a "contested" geography, rival organizations disagree over who, living where, for what purposes, has the right to define the neighborhood's boundaries and social identity. These different social ecologies took shape without coordination yet became an interdependent, quadriplex set. After 1965, a series of retreats in government control of local social life created unprecedented opportunities for intermediaries who reshaped the social landscape with new businesses, cultural institutions, and interpretations of neighborhood identity. This case study revives the "collective action" explanations of the "Chicago School" by showing how urban social ecology was transformed in the late twentieth century as people of different generations and in different geographic areas interacted indirectly, creating durable neighborhood patterns without centralized, top-down leadership from business or government, in response to locally recognized affordances of anarchy.

Does cultural criminology have a distinct intellectual mission? How might it be defined? I suggest analyzing three levels of social interaction. At the first level, the culture of crime used by those committing crimes and the process of creating representations of crime in the news, entertainment products, and political position statements proceed independently. At the second level, there is asymmetrical interaction between those creating images of crime and those committing crime: offenders use media images to create crime, but cultural representations of crime in the news, official statistics, and entertainment are developed without drawing on what offenders do when they commit crime, or vice versa. At a third level, we can find symmetrical, recursive interactions between the cultures used to do crime and cultures created by media, popular culture, and political expressions about crime. Using the "Rodney King Riots" as an example, I illustrate the looping interactions through which actors on the streets, law enforcement officials, and politicians and news media workers, by taking into account each other's past and likely responses, develop an episode of anarchy through multiple identifiable stages and transformational contingencies.

Because ethnographies report what is already known in some part of society, the warrant for the method is uniquely double. Each ethnography promises both positive and negative knowledge, a contribution to understanding the social logic that organizes some area of social life and a contribution to the sociology of ignorance. Those reported in this volume illustrate seven distinct warrants that hinge on morally charged forces blocking the dissemination of knowledge about locally known social realities. In addition, running through many of the studies is a focus on an amoral warrant. Ethnographies are distinctively suited for studying the ubiquitous, naturally occurring hiding that is necessarily part of social expression, or how things are hidden in the foundations of the social world.

In a variety of ways, all ethnographies are politically cast and policy relevant. Each of three recurrent political rhetorics is related to a unique set of fieldwork practices. Ethnographies that report holistically on journeys to "the other side" build policy/political significance by contesting popular stereotypes. Theoretical ethnographies draw on political imagination to fill in for a lack of variation in participant observation data and to model an area of social life without attempting to rule out alternative explanations. Comparative analytic studies build political relevance by revealing social forces that are hidden by local cultures. Each of these three genres of ethnographic methodology faces unique challenges in relating fieldwork data to politically significant explanations. By shaping the ethnographer's relations to subjects and readers, each methodology also structures a distinctive class identity for the researchers—as worker, as aristocrat, or as bourgeois professional.

In a variety of ways, all ethnographies are politically cast & policy relevant. Each of three recurrent political rhetorics is related to a unique set of fieldwork practices. Ethnographies that report holistically on journeys to "the other side" build policy/political significance by contesting popular stereotypes. Theoretical ethnographies draw on political imagination to fill in for a lack of variation in participant observation data & to model an area of social life without attempting to rule out alternative explanations. Comparative analytic studies build political relevance by revealing social forces that are hidden by local cultures. Each of these three genres of ethnographic methodology faces unique challenges in relating fieldwork data to politically significant explanations. By shaping the ethnographer's relations to subjects & readers, each methodology also structures a distinctive class identity for the researchers -- as worker, as aristocrat, or as bourgeois professional. 55 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2004 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]