Suchergebnisse

Unsichtbare Netzwerke durchziehen jedes Land. Sie lassen Dinge reibungslos geschehen, Probleme verschwinden und fördern Karrieren. Sie beginnen in den Büros mit schönem Ausblick, machen Abstecher bei intimen Freundeskreisen und enden im Zentrum der Politik. Die Netzwerke der Macht bestimmen unser aller Leben

As a contribution to the History ofSocial Sciences, this paper examines epistemolo- gical and logical discourses, concepts, methods and statements of quantitative ac- counting, measurement and construction of social units between 1550 and 1870. Referring to Ernst Cassirers Philosophy ofSymbolic Forms and Michel Foucault's The Order of Things the discursive strategies of continental travel questionnaires (Apodemiken) will be outlined in the methodological framework of Historical Epistemology as a concrete Historical Analysis ofScience Disciplines beginning in Renaissance Europe. lt will be shown that in the late 16th century the relational logic of similarity was the genuine and dominant discourse of making »things« and social units constructable, measurable and accountable. The second part of the paper analyzes the epistemological system of political arithmetic (Politische Arithmetik). The historical differences, shifts and transformations between this »Social Science« - appearing first in 17the century England (classical episteme) - and the Tabula Peregrinationes - appearing on the continent in the 16th century (renaissance episteme) will be shown. In the third part of the article the model of statistical deviation - centered in the interpretation of Gauss' bell-shaped curve by Quetelet - and its epistemological consequences for the social sciences in the 19th century are pointed out. ; As a contribution to the History ofSocial Sciences, this paper examines epistemolo- gical and logical discourses, concepts, methods and statements of quantitative ac- counting, measurement and construction of social units between 1550 and 1870. Referring to Ernst Cassirers Philosophy ofSymbolic Forms and Michel Foucault's The Order of Things the discursive strategies of continental travel questionnaires (Apodemiken) will be outlined in the methodological framework of Historical Epistemology as a concrete Historical Analysis ofScience Disciplines beginning in Renaissance Europe. lt will be shown that in the late 16th century the relational logic of similarity was the genuine and dominant discourse of making »things« and social units constructable, measurable and accountable. The second part of the paper analyzes the epistemological system of political arithmetic (Politische Arithmetik). The historical differences, shifts and transformations between this »Social Science« - appearing first in 17the century England (classical episteme) - and the Tabula Peregrinationes - appearing on the continent in the 16th century (renaissance episteme) will be shown. In the third part of the article the model of statistical deviation - centered in the interpretation of Gauss' bell-shaped curve by Quetelet - and its epistemological consequences for the social sciences in the 19th century are pointed out.

Die Verfasser diskutieren die Möglichkeiten breiter Mobilisierung vor dem Hintergrund vor dem Hintergrund einer sich immer stärker mobilisierenden Gesellschaft, die mit einer Vermehrung sozialer Knotenpunkte einhergeht. Diese Vermehrung macht das gesellschaftliche Leben zwar vielseitiger, aber auch unübersichtlicher. Die sich aus dieser Entwicklung ergebenden Schwierigkeiten politischer Mobilisierung werden aufgegriffen, um daraus Vorschläge für eine sukzessive Reorientierung der politischen Alltagsarbeit abzuleiten. Die Verfasser thematisieren das Wiedererstarken von Gemeinsamkeit auf der Mikroebene der Gesellschaft als Basis für neue, aktive Formen gemeinschaftlicher Aktivität und Organisationen. Sie zeigen dies am Beispiel der Restrukturierung des Sozialen in den USA in Form von "cellular churches", politischen Grassroot-Kampagnen und einer neuen Genossenschaftsbewegung. (ICE2)

The article sketches the evolution of mathematical social sciences in Great Britain, focussing on Political Economy and Social Statistics. The formal methods which were later to become of greatest importance in these sciences (differential calculus and probability theory) were mainly imported from continental mathematics at the beginning of the 19th century. The emergence of Political Economy and the transformation of classical Political Arithmetic into Statistics roughly coincided with this "catching-up" process. Moreover, the "Cambridge Network of Scientists" (Cannon), with its protagonists Whewell, Herschel, Babbage and Peacock, played a central role in the adoption of French mathematics as well as in the early attempts to place the social sciences on a methodologically sound basis. Not surprisingly, the Cambridge Scientists (gathered mainly in the Cambridge Philosophical Society and the Cambridge Astronomical Society) were among the first to use mathematical methods in dealing with "the complicated conduct of our social and moral relations" (Herschel). However, the mathematicization of the social sciences cannot be seen as a smooth, continuous process of successively applying formal techniques to social phenomena. The application of the general equilibrium framework of analytical mechanics to the study of man's desires and actions, and the use of probability theory in explaining (not just describing) the synthesis and development of social aggregates, required an essential precondition: a new kind of analysis of "man", such as had emerged in geology and physiology since the late 1830s. Using the principles of natural selection and reflex action, it became possible to view human societies simultaneously as random samples and systems of forces, to which mathematical techniques now became reasonably applicable. The rise of Economics and Eugenics (founded by Jevons and Galton, respectively) towards the end of the 19th century can thus be perceived as a late consequence of this "anthropological turn". Therefore, the evolution of mathematical social sciences is not a symptom of a "mechanistic" view of man (usually associated with Cartesian epistomology), but simply another result of the very dissolving of classical "mathesis" (Foucault), which entailed the appearance of "man" as a privileged object of knowledge. ; The article sketches the evolution of mathematical social sciences in Great Britain, focussing on Political Economy and Social Statistics. The formal methods which were later to become of greatest importance in these sciences (differential calculus and probability theory) were mainly imported from continental mathematics at the beginning of the 19th century. The emergence of Political Economy and the transformation of classical Political Arithmetic into Statistics roughly coincided with this "catching-up" process. Moreover, the "Cambridge Network of Scientists" (Cannon), with its protagonists Whewell, Herschel, Babbage and Peacock, played a central role in the adoption of French mathematics as well as in the early attempts to place the social sciences on a methodologically sound basis. Not surprisingly, the Cambridge Scientists (gathered mainly in the Cambridge Philosophical Society and the Cambridge Astronomical Society) were among the first to use mathematical methods in dealing with "the complicated conduct of our social and moral relations" (Herschel). However, the mathematicization of the social sciences cannot be seen as a smooth, continuous process of successively applying formal techniques to social phenomena. The application of the general equilibrium framework of analytical mechanics to the study of man's desires and actions, and the use of probability theory in explaining (not just describing) the synthesis and development of social aggregates, required an essential precondition: a new kind of analysis of "man", such as had emerged in geology and physiology since the late 1830s. Using the principles of natural selection and reflex action, it became possible to view human societies simultaneously as random samples and systems of forces, to which mathematical techniques now became reasonably applicable. The rise of Economics and Eugenics (founded by Jevons and Galton, respectively) towards the end of the 19th century can thus be perceived as a late consequence of this "anthropological turn". Therefore, the evolution of mathematical social sciences is not a symptom of a "mechanistic" view of man (usually associated with Cartesian epistomology), but simply another result of the very dissolving of classical "mathesis" (Foucault), which entailed the appearance of "man" as a privileged object of knowledge.

AbstractCultural theory (CT) provides a framework for understanding how social dimensions shape cultural bias and social relations of individuals, including values, view of the natural world, policy preferences, and risk perceptions. The five resulting cultural solidarities are each associated with a "myth of nature"—a concept of nature that aligns with the worldview of each solidarity. When applied to the problem of climate protection policy making, the relationships and beliefs outlined by CT can shed light on how members of the different cultural solidarities perceive their relationship to climate change and associated risk. This can be used to deduce what climate change management policies may be preferred or opposed by each group. The aim of this paper is to provide a review of how CT has been used in surveys of the social aspects of climate change policy making, to assess the construct validity of these studies, and to identify ways for climate change protection policies to leverage the views of each of the cultural solidarities to develop clumsy solutions: policies that incorporate strengths from each of the cultural solidarities' perspectives. Surveys that include measures of at least fatalism, hierarchism, individualism, and egalitarianism and their associated myths of nature as well as measures of climate change risk perceptions and policy preferences have the highest translation and predictive validity. These studies will be useful in helping environmental managers find clumsy solutions and develop resilient policy according to C.S. Holling's adaptive cycle.