Suchergebnisse

This book analyses Muslim-origin immigrant communities in Europe, and the problematic nature of their labelling by both their home and host countries. The author challenges the ways in which both sending and receiving countries encapsulate these migrants within the religiously defined closed box of "Muslim" and/or "Islam". Transcending binary oppositions of East and West, European and Muslim, local and newcomer, Kaya presents the multiple identities of Muslim-origin immigrants by interrogating the third space paradigm. Turkish Origin Migrants and Their Descendants analyses the complexity of the hyphenated identities of the Turkish-origin community with their intricate religious, ethnic, cultural, ideological and personal elements. This insight into the life-worlds of transnational individuals and local communities will be of interest to students and scholars of the social sciences, migration studies, and political science, especially those concerned with Islamization of radicalism, populism, and Islamophobia in a European context

"With this book Ayhan Kaya elevates the discussion around modernization and diversity in Turkey to a new level." - Thomas Faist, Bielefeld University, Germany "Pathbreaking and original...a text that will be the essential food for thought. Highly recommended!" - Fuat Keyman, Istanbul Policy Centre, Sabanci University, Turkey "This is an insightful and critical book on recent socio-political developments in Turkey and on Turkey's path towards EU membership." -Anna Triandafyllidou, European University Institute, Italy "This book will remain an essential source for all those who wish to take a fresh look at the Turkish experiment from the days of the Republic through the transformative rule of the AKP." - Soli Ozel, Kadir Has University, Turkey

Frontmatter --Contents --Acknowledgements --Introduction --Chapter 1. The Notions of Culture, Youth Culture, Ethnicity, and Globalisation --Chapter 2. Constructing Modern Diasporas --Chapter 3. Kreuzberg 36: A Diasporic Space in Multicultural Berlin --Chapter 4. Identity and Homing of Diaspora --Chapter 5. Cultural Identity of the Turkish Hip-Hop Youth in Kreuzberg 36 --Chapter 6. Aesthetics of Diaspora: Contemporary Minstrels --Conclusion --Glossary --Bibliography --Discography.

This book examines the construction and articulation of diasporic cultural identity among the Turkish working-class youth in Kreuzberg (Little Istanbul), Berlin. This work primarily suggests that the contemporary diasporic consciousness is built on two antithetical axes: particularism and universalism. The presence of this dichotomy derives from the unresolved historical dialogues that the diasporic youths experience between continuity and disruption, essence and positionality, tradition and translation, homogeneity and difference, past and future, 'here' and 'there', 'roots' and 'routes', and local and global.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.

In this article, the term "radicalisation" is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.

This country report includes a detailed analysis of reception policies, practices and humanitarian responses from state actors and non-state agencies in Turkey. Data on policies were retrieved through desk research on policy papers and documents at national and sub-national levels, building on the international and EU framework. The analysis of secondary data includes the elaboration of maps of reception policies, practices and humanitarian responses and new typologies of these policies, practices and responses. Evidence on existing practices and responses at the grassroots level have been gathered through interviews and roundtable discussions with key-informants and gatekeepers such as national/local authorities, and NGO representatives. The report also includes the analysis of migrants' perceptions, actions and reactions to reception policies and practices in Turkey. The main framework of reception regulations in Turkey is drawn by the Law on Foreigners and International Protection and the Temporary Protection Regulation, both of which were put into force in 2014. Both documents include provisions about housing, education, labour market, allowances, health services and information/counselling services. The definition and scope of 'reception' in Turkish legislation includes various material conditions including housing, food and clothing provided in kind, or as financial allowances or in vouchers, or a combination of the three, and a daily allowance. Reception also covers matters of education, basic health care and accommodation which ought to be provided during the period of reception. Similar to the EU legislation, the time frame of 'reception' is not clearly defined in the Turkish legislation. However, there is an implicit definition: reception starts as soon as the border of a given state has been crossed and an application for international protection has been made. It ends either with the "effective expulsion", "repatriation", "forced/assisted return" of unsuccessful applicants or with the acceptance of their request for protection which, in the terminology of RESPOND, makes them subject to 'integration'

This country report includes a detailed analysis of reception policies, practices and humanitarian responses from state actors and non-state agencies in Turkey. Data on policies were retrieved through desk research on policy papers and documents at national and sub-national levels, building on the international and EU framework. The analysis of secondary data includes the elaboration of maps of reception policies, practices and humanitarian responses and new typologies of these policies, practices and responses. Evidence on existing practices and responses at the grassroots level have been gathered through interviews and roundtable discussions with key-informants and gatekeepers such as national/local authorities, and NGO representatives. The report also includes the analysis of migrants' perceptions, actions and reactions to reception policies and practices in Turkey. The main framework of reception regulations in Turkey is drawn by the Law on Foreigners and International Protection and the Temporary Protection Regulation, both of which were put into force in 2014. Both documents include provisions about housing, education, labour market, allowances, health services and information/counselling services. The definition and scope of 'reception' in Turkish legislation includes various material conditions including housing, food and clothing provided in kind, or as financial allowances or in vouchers, or a combination of the three, and a daily allowance. Reception also covers matters of education, basic health care and accommodation which ought to be provided during the period of reception. Similar to the EU legislation, the time frame of 'reception' is not clearly defined in the Turkish legislation. However, there is an implicit definition: reception starts as soon as the border of a given state has been crossed and an application for international protection has been made. It ends either with the "effective expulsion", "repatriation", "forced/assisted return" of unsuccessful applicants or with the acceptance of ...