This paper presents an overview of the current status in training and legislation of clinical psychology in Lithuania. Clinical psychology training at the university level in Lithuania started soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and was influenced by the social context and historical-political situation in the country. Currently, legislation for clinical psychology in Lithuania is in progress, and several promising regulations for psychology in health care were introduced in the last decade. However, psychologists, including clinical psychologists, are not licensed in Lithuania. The lack of legislation for psychology is the main obstacle for the recognition and establishment of clinical psychology in the country. In health care, the title 'clinical psychologist' is not common; 'medical psychologist' is the title used instead to refer to both clinical psychologists and health psychologists. We conclude that while the development of clinical psychology in Lithuania is promising, there is still a long way to go to establish clinical psychology as an important profession in Lithuania
This paper presents an overview of the current status in training and legislation of clinical psychology in Lithuania. Clinical psychology training at the university level in Lithuania started soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and was influenced by the social context and historical-political situation in the country. Currently, legislation for clinical psychology in Lithuania is in progress, and several promising regulations for psychology in health care were introduced in the last decade. However, psychologists, including clinical psychologists, are not licensed in Lithuania. The lack of legislation for psychology is the main obstacle for the recognition and establishment of clinical psychology in the country. In health care, the title 'clinical psychologist' is not common; 'medical psychologist' is the title used instead to refer to both clinical psychologists and health psychologists. We conclude that while the development of clinical psychology in Lithuania is promising, there is still a long way to go to establish clinical psychology as an important profession in Lithuania
This paper presents an overview of the current status in training and legislation of clinical psychology in Lithuania. Clinical psychology training at the university level in Lithuania started soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and was influenced by the social context and historical-political situation in the country. Currently, legislation for clinical psychology in Lithuania is in progress, and several promising regulations for psychology in health care were introduced in the last decade. However, psychologists, including clinical psychologists, are not licensed in Lithuania. The lack of legislation for psychology is the main obstacle for the recognition and establishment of clinical psychology in the country. In health care, the title 'clinical psychologist' is not common; 'medical psychologist' is the title used instead to refer to both clinical psychologists and health psychologists. We conclude that while the development of clinical psychology in Lithuania is promising, there is still a long way to go to establish clinical psychology as an important profession in Lithuania
This paper presents an overview of the current status in training and legislation of clinical psychology in Lithuania. Clinical psychology training at the university level in Lithuania started soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and was influenced by the social context and historical-political situation in the country. Currently, legislation for clinical psychology in Lithuania is in progress, and several promising regulations for psychology in health care were introduced in the last decade. However, psychologists, including clinical psychologists, are not licensed in Lithuania. The lack of legislation for psychology is the main obstacle for the recognition and establishment of clinical psychology in the country. In health care, the title 'clinical psychologist' is not common; 'medical psychologist' is the title used instead to refer to both clinical psychologists and health psychologists. We conclude that while the development of clinical psychology in Lithuania is promising, there is still a long way to go to establish clinical psychology as an important profession in Lithuania. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion
This paper presents an overview of the current status in training and legislation of clinical psychology in Lithuania. Clinical psychology training at the university level in Lithuania started soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and was influenced by the social context and historical-political situation in the country. Currently, legislation for clinical psychology in Lithuania is in progress, and several promising regulations for psychology in health care were introduced in the last decade. However, psychologists, including clinical psychologists, are not licensed in Lithuania. The lack of legislation for psychology is the main obstacle for the recognition and establishment of clinical psychology in the country. In health care, the title 'clinical psychologist' is not common; 'medical psychologist' is the title used instead to refer to both clinical psychologists and health psychologists. We conclude that while the development of clinical psychology in Lithuania is promising, there is still a long way to go to establish clinical psychology as an important profession in Lithuania
Background: There is a growing understanding of the importance of the social factors of posttraumatic stress disorder. Aims: This study expands research on association between posttraumatic stress and social factors by introducing the measure of the acceptance of social changes and evaluating possible links between posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms and acceptance of social changes. Methods: A general population sample ( n = 778) aged from 18 to 89 years ( M = 40.2) from Lithuania participated in our study, of whom 68% reported exposure to traumatic events. Posttraumatic stress reactions were measured with the Impact of Event Scale – Revised (IES-R), and acceptance of social changes was measured with the Acceptance of Social Changes Instrument (SOCHI) developed by the authors of this study. Results: About 8% of the participants had a potential posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) diagnosis. Acceptance of social changes was negatively associated with posttraumatic stress. PTSD was related to lower acceptance of social changes ( d = .61). Structural equation model (SEM) revealed the mediating role of PTSD for acceptance of social changes following trauma exposure. Conclusion: Findings of our study indicate that the acceptance of social changes might be an important psychosocial factor of PTSD.
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of traumatic stress studies from the three Baltic countries—Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia—and reveal how specific social context contributes to the topics relevant in traumatic stress field in the region. Traumatic stress studies in the Baltic countries are closely related to the complicated history of the region. It was only since the restoration of independence of the Baltic States in the 1990s when traumatic stress studies could emerge. The start of the psychotraumatology in the Baltic States was inspired by the interest of the psychological effects of political violence. Four major topics in traumatic stress literature from the Baltic countries were identified in this article: political violence studies, epidemiology of trauma and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), disaster studies, and developmental aspects of trauma. Traumatic events prevalence was reported between 70 and 75%, and PTSD prevalence range 2–7% in the Baltic countries. The interest in psychotraumatology in the Baltic countries is rising.
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of traumatic stress studies from the three Baltic countries—Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia—and reveal how specific social context contributes to the topics relevant in traumatic stress field in the region. Traumatic stress studies in the Baltic countries are closely related to the complicated history of the region. It was only since the restoration of independence of the Baltic States in the 1990s when traumatic stress studies could emerge. The start of the psychotraumatology in the Baltic States was inspired by the interest of the psychological effects of political violence. Four major topics in traumatic stress literature from the Baltic countries were identified in this article: political violence studies, epidemiology of trauma and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), disaster studies, and developmental aspects of trauma. Traumatic events prevalence was reported between 70 and 75%, and PTSD prevalence range 2–7% in the Baltic countries. The interest in psychotraumatology in the Baltic countries is rising.
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of traumatic stress studies from the three Baltic countries—Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia—and reveal how specific social context contributes to the topics relevant in traumatic stress field in the region. Traumatic stress studies in the Baltic countries are closely related to the complicated history of the region. It was only since the restoration of independence of the Baltic States in the 1990s when traumatic stress studies could emerge. The start of the psychotraumatology in the Baltic States was inspired by the interest of the psychological effects of political violence. Four major topics in traumatic stress literature from the Baltic countries were identified in this article: political violence studies, epidemiology of trauma and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), disaster studies, and developmental aspects of trauma. Traumatic events prevalence was reported between 70 and 75%, and PTSD prevalence range 2–7% in the Baltic countries. The interest in psychotraumatology in the Baltic countries is rising.
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of traumatic stress studies from the three Baltic countries—Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia—and reveal how specific social context contributes to the topics relevant in traumatic stress field in the region. Traumatic stress studies in the Baltic countries are closely related to the complicated history of the region. It was only since the restoration of independence of the Baltic States in the 1990s when traumatic stress studies could emerge. The start of the psychotraumatology in the Baltic States was inspired by the interest of the psychological effects of political violence. Four major topics in traumatic stress literature from the Baltic countries were identified in this article: political violence studies, epidemiology of trauma and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), disaster studies, and developmental aspects of trauma. Traumatic events prevalence was reported between 70 and 75%, and PTSD prevalence range 2–7% in the Baltic countries. The interest in psychotraumatology in the Baltic countries is rising.
Abstract. Lithuania regained its independence about 20 years ago and is a member of the EU with a population of nearly three million. Traumatic experiences and coping with trauma are important topics for Lithuanians, as a large part of the population experienced persecution during the oppressive Soviet regime before these social changes began. The aim of the present study was to evaluate the relationship between psychological well-being, exposure to traumatic events, and exposure to political violence by family members during the Soviet regime in a Lithuanian sample. Method: a non-clinical sample of 626 participants (59.9% female, 40.1% male) with a mean age of 39.00 (SD = 18.13) (range: 18 to 89) participated in the present study. Self-report measures were used to assess trauma exposure and psychological well-being. Life-time trauma exposure was measured using the Brief Trauma Questionnaire (BTQ). Psychological well-being was measured using the 10-item short Psychological Well-Being Questionnaire (WBQ) developed by the authors of the study. Results: the study revealed that 69.8% of our sample experienced at least one traumatic event; 55.4% reported experiences of political violence in their families during the Soviet Regime. A family history of political violence was a more significant factor in predicting psychological well-being than personal life-time trauma exposure. Conclusion: social factors of trauma are important in understanding the resilience of individuals.
Abstract. Lithuania regained its independence about 20 years ago and is a member of the EU with a population of nearly three million. Traumatic experiences and coping with trauma are important topics for Lithuanians, as a large part of the population experienced persecution during the oppressive Soviet regime before these social changes began. The aim of the present study was to evaluate the relationship between psychological well-being, exposure to traumatic events, and exposure to political violence by family members during the Soviet regime in a Lithuanian sample. Method: a non-clinical sample of 626 participants (59.9% female, 40.1% male) with a mean age of 39.00 (SD = 18.13) (range: 18 to 89) participated in the present study. Self-report measures were used to assess trauma exposure and psychological well-being. Life-time trauma exposure was measured using the Brief Trauma Questionnaire (BTQ). Psychological well-being was measured using the 10-item short Psychological Well-Being Questionnaire (WBQ) developed by the authors of the study. Results: the study revealed that 69.8% of our sample experienced at least one traumatic event; 55.4% reported experiences of political violence in their families during the Soviet Regime. A family history of political violence was a more significant factor in predicting psychological well-being than personal life-time trauma exposure. Conclusion: social factors of trauma are important in understanding the resilience of individuals.
Straipsnyje analizuojami argumentai, pagrindžiantys paralelizmą tarp kognityvinės ir moralinės raidos. Keliamas klausimas, ar šios dvi universalios raidos formos yra fundamentaliai tarpusavyje susijusios, jei taip, tai kokiu būdu? Straipsnyje keliamiems uždaviniams spręsti visų pirma privalu pateikti universalius šio paralelizmo tipus. Tam geriausiai pasitarnauja Lawrenso Kohlbergo pateikta chrestomatine tapusi kognityvinės ir moralinės raidos komplementarumo hierarchija, savo ruožtu įkvėpta J. Piaget idėjų. Nors Kohlbergo sistema padeda struktūruoti psichologinius ir moralinius procesus, konstruoti praktinę veiklą numatančius argumentus, joje yra daug keblumų, kuriuos ir pasistengsime išryškinti bei aptarti. Visų pirma, straipsnyje kritiškai analizuojami pamatiniai Kohlbergo pateikti asmens raidos viziją apibūdinantys principai. Antra, kvestionuojamas bendrasis šios vizijos principas, tai yra paralelizmas tarp kognityvinės ir moralinės brandos. Pamatinių Kohlbergo sistemos aspektų pristatymas, revizija, kritika ir yra šio straipsnio probleminė ašis. Moralės filosofijos bei kognityviosios psichologijos gretinimas iš naujo pateikia pamatinius šių disciplinų teorinės žiūros objektus – žmogaus pažintinę veiklą ir moralinę brandą. Tai leidžia ne tik praplėsti kognityviosios psichologijos nagrinėjamų problemų lauką, bet ir parodyti, kaip naudojant kognityviosios psichologijos metodologiją, psichologija gali prisidėti prie moralės filosofijos problemų sprendimo. Straipsnio tematika reikalauja tarpdisciplininio požiūrio, todėl leidžia svarbiausiuose probleminiuose kognityvumo ir moralės problematikos laukuose sudurti filosofiją ir psichologiją, kartu numatant platesnes išvadas šių disciplinų savivokos klausimais. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: moralinė raida, kognityvinė raida, raidos stadijos, moralės filosofija, psichologija.Cognitive Psychology and Moral Philosophy: How Strong are Parallels between Cognitive and Moral Development?Evaldas Kazlauskas, Mindaugas Briedis Summary The analysis presented in the article is devoted to the implied parallelism between cognitive and moral development. We discuss whether these universal aspects of human development are fundamentally interrelated, and if the answer is yes, then how this is possible. In order to reach our tasks, we refer to the widely known theory of cognitive and moral development formulated by Lawrence Kohlberg who was directly influenced by the prominent Swiss scientist Jean Piaget. Kohlberg's theory of moral development emphasizes cognitive processes as the key component in moral judgments. Development of cognitive abilities has a huge impact on moral development. Although Kohlberg's stages of moral development enable to structure cognitive and in a broader sense the psychological processes and probably help to predict moral actions, there are a number of weak arguments in his theory which we discuss in thes article. Presentation of Kohlberg's theory, as well as its revision, and critics are the key points of the article. A juxtaposition of moral philosophy and cognitive psychology reveals new trends in the analysis of relevant moral issues, while the main focus of these different fields is still contradictory – human cognitive processes and moral maturity. Utilization of cognitive psychology defining moral issues while using cognitive methods definitely broadens the scope of cognitive psychology, and contributes to moral philosophy. The interdisciplinary approach to psychology and philosophy which we choose in the article enables us to confront the complex issues of cognition and the moral problems using different approaches, and at the same time we conclude that this discussion contributes to a broader understanding of the role and boundaries of both psychology and philosophy. Keywords: moral development, cognitive development, stages of development, moral philosophy, psychology.
During Nazi and Soviet occupations in the years 1940-1958 one third of Lithuanian population were killed or deported to Siberia. Almost 300,000 people were deported to highly remote regions of Siberia. Former political prisoners and deportees experienced prolonged torture and persecutions, even after release from prison. Little is known in traumatic stress literature about effects of such extreme and prolonged traumatisation. The aim of the present study was to find out predictors of posttraumatic reactions in the group of survivors of political imprisonment. Methods: Former political prisoners (n = 724) were randomly selected from the national registry of Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania. All former political prisoners are officially acknowledged as victims of Soviet repression by Lithuanifully rehabilitated. The mean age of political prisoners was 75.8 (SD = 5,8) years. Questionnaires covering questions about lifetime traumatic experiences, exposure to political violence, posttraumatic symtoms as well as possible mediating factors between trauma and consequences have been mailed toparticipants of the study. Posttraumatic reactions were assessedusing Lithuanian version of Traumatic Symptom Checlist (TSC-35). Results: Posttraumatic reactions correlated with demographic factors (gender, level of education), health effects, traumatic experiences and sence of coherence. Variables using hierarchical stepwise model were entered into multiple regression analysis. Demographic factors explained 8.1 % of posttraumatic reactions variance. Both health effects and demographic variables explained 19.6 % of variance. Traumatic experiences increased prediction of posttraumatic reactions to 31.6 %. Final equation, with sense of coherence entered on the fourth step, explained 43.7 % of posttraumatic symptom variance Significant predictors of posttraumatic reactions among former Lithuanian political prisoners were: accumulative lifetime traumatic experiences, sense of coherence, gender (women showing higher levels of victimization), death of spouse, somatic complains immediately after imprisonment or forced deportation, and attribution of current poor health status to experienced political violence.
Background: During Nazi and Soviet occupations in the years 1940–1958 one third of Lithuanian population were killed or deported to Siberia. Almost 300,000 people were deported to highly remote regions of Siberia. Former political prisoners and deportees experienced prolonged torture and persecutions, even after release from prison. Little is known in traumatic stress literature about effects of such extreme and prolonged traumatisation. The aim of the present study was to find out predictors of posttraumatic reactions in the group of survivors of political imprisonment. Methods: Former political prisoners (n = 724) were randomly selected from the national registry of Genocide and Resistance Research Centre of Lithuania. All former political prisoners are officially acknowledged as victims of Soviet repression by Lithuanian laws and are fully rehabilitated. The mean age of political prisoners was 75.8 (SD = 5,8) years. Questionnaires covering questions about lifetime traumatic experiences, exposure to political violence, posttraumatic symptoms as well as possible mediating factors between trauma and consequences have been mailed to participants of the study. Posttraumatic reactions were assessed using Lithuanian version of Traumatic Symptom Checklist (TSC-35). Results: Posttraumatic reactions correlated with demographic factors (gender, level of education), health effects, traumatic experiences and sense of coherence. Variables using hierarchical stepwise model were entered into multiple regression analysis. Demographic factors explained 8.1 % of posttraumatic reactions variance. Both health effects and demographic variables explained 19.6 % of variance. Traumatic experiences increased prediction of posttraumatic reactions to 31.6 %. Final equation, with sense of coherence entered on the fourth step, explained 43.7 % of posttraumatic symptom variance. Significant predictors of posttraumatic reactions among former Lithuanian political prisoners were: accumulative lifetime traumatic experiences, sense of coherence, gender (women showing higher levels of victimization), death of spouse, somatic complains immediately after imprisonment or forced deportation, and attribution of current poor health status to experienced political violence. ; Tyrime dalyvavo 724 buvę politiniai kaliniai, nukentėję nuo komunistinių represijų. Potrauminė simptomatika buvo matuojama Traumos simptomų klausimynu (TSK-35). Tyrimo duomenų analizė atlikta naudojant hierarchinę daugialypę regresiją. Potrauminę simptomatiką geriausiai prognozavo: traumų, patirtų per visą gyvenimą, kiekis, vidinė darna, sutuoktinio mirtis, lytis, sveikatos pablogėjimas po represijų ir dabartinės sveikatos siejimas su represijų patirtimi. Galutinė regresijos lygtis paaiškino 43,7 proc. traumos simptomų klausimyno rezultatų variacijos. Tyrimo rezultatai patvirtino traumų psichologijos teorinį teiginį, kad traumos intensyvumas geriausiai paaiškina jos psichologinius padarinius, tačiau tyrimas taip pat parodė, kad prognozuojant potrauminę simptomatiką būtina atsižvelgti į daugiau veiksnių.
