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The book Understanding Adult Survivors of Domestic Violence in Childhood: Still Forgotten, Still Hurting appears to be a nostalgic account, as it is the most recent book by the lead author Gill Hag...

PurposeThis paper examines India's tryst with welfare/dis-fare with a specific focus on Modi Sarkar's (2014–2019) dirigiste style reforms. In the welfare regime research, Esping-Andersen (1990) classified advanced economies into three ideal-types of liberal, conservative-corporatist and social-democratic welfare states by government-led welfare provisions and levels of decommodification. The classical typology discussions include countries such as India which is classified as informal-insecurity regime due to a large informal economy with no social security for workers. Based on theoretical standpoints of the political economy of welfare states, comparative historical institutionalism and critical junctures this article examines Modifare has expanded formal welfare to its citizens.Design/methodology/approachThe article uses crisp-set analysis to examine the social policy developments under Modi's regime in India.FindingsThis paper examines if the centre-right Modi government did bring about a radical departure from UPA I and II lacklustre welfare approach to the more strategic use of welfare reforms as a political weapon on a national scale. It concludes that Modi-fare falls short in being transformatory.Originality/valueThe article is an original contribution to the field of comparative welfare regimes.

AbstractIn Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Gøsta Esping‐Andersen, using decommodification as a basis, classified advanced capitalist countries into liberal, conservative‐corporatist, and social‐democratic welfare regimes. Subsequently, Ann Shola Orloff deemed his approach gender blind, and dimensions such as access to paid work and the capacity to form and maintain an autonomous household were added to the existing variables of state–market relations, stratification and social citizenship rights. Based on Orloff's theoretical propositions, this paper develops the decommodification measures to classify middle‐income countries (MICs). The paper classifies MICs into five clusters based on hierarchical cluster analysis using variables such as GDP per capita, female labour force participation, availability, duration and wage replacement levels and providers of maternity leave benefits and availability of childcare services, legislation on sexual harassment, marital rape and domestic violence, protection orders, the availability of legal aid for civil and criminal matters and the proportion of seats held by women in parliaments.

AbstractIn the context of global developments in the measurement of child poverty, this article critiques the limited success of the Indian government to develop a comprehensive social policy approach to address multi‐faceted deprivation suffered by Indian children. Since independence in 1947, Indian governments have focused on childhood deprivation through various programmes to improve food security, education and health. However, these programmes have functioned in siloes without any linkages to each other, along with poor budgetary commitment which has resulted in sub‐optimal policy outcomes. Based on the theoretical approaches of Amartya Sen's capability approach and Townsend's consensual approach to poverty measurement, this article highlights the intrinsic importance of child well‐being to society. To achieve its objectives, the article is organized into four main parts. First, the article provides an overview of Indian children's deprivation and poverty, and the policy approach. Second, it provides conceptual advancements globally on the measurement of child poverty and deprivation. Third, it highlights the importance of utilizing these indicators to measure child poverty in the Indian context. Fourth, it concludes with a critical analysis of children's budgets and social policy in India to highlight that the Indian government's approach towards child well‐being is not only conceptually flawed, but that its commitment is extremely poor.

In 2005, a gender budget statement was first presented as a part of India's financial budget to reflect the exact budgetary expenditures on various gender related programmes. Despite being viewed as a progressive development by the transnational feminist movement it is currently seen as a promise half-fulfilled, primarily due to the failure of the governmental and non-governmental sector to take into account all the gender budget procedures that need to be implemented to achieve tangible gender equality outcomes. The article highlights that gender budgets should be further solidified within the administrative mechanisms to result in more gender sensitive approaches of governance.

'Gender budgeting' is an analytical approach for public policies with an objective to highlight disparities based on gender. It is based on the contention that 'gender neutrality' is 'gender blindness'. It is a method to establish whether state budgetary allocations, disbursals & programs address the needs of women & men independently. One of the objectives of gender budgeting is to demystify complex economic jargon & to create accountability & transparency in governance. Gender budget initiatives gained prominence following the Beijing Declaration in 1995 when many countries of the world committed themselves to carrying out gender budgeting. This debate article analyses the impacts of this approach to addressing gender inequality by focusing on recent policy changes in India. Adapted from the source document.