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Cover -- ROUSSEAU'S EXEMPLARY LIFE -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- PREFACE -- PRIMARY SOURCE CITATIONS -- 1. POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY AND THE GENRE OF LIVES -- The Problem of Autobiography -- Confession and Rousseau's Autobiographical Project -- Autobiography as Moral Fable -- The Political Use of Moral Fables -- Politics, the Imitative Arts, and Autobiography -- The Possibility of Philosophic Autobiography -- The Necessity of Philosophic Autobiography -- Rousseau's Intention in the Confessions -- 2. THE NEED FOR A NEW EXEMPLARY LIFE -- Traditional Exemplary Lives -- The Citizen: The Case for Cato -- The Philosopher: The Case for Socrates -- A Revolution in the Universe: The Case for Jesus -- Jean-Jacques: The Case against Jesus, Socrates, and Cato -- 3. THE AWAKENING OF THE IMAGINATION AND THE DEPARTURE FROM NATURE (BOOK I) -- The Structure of Part One of the Confessions -- Imagination and Living outside Oneself -- Imagination and Sexuality -- Imagination and Anger: On the Naturalness of the Sentiment of the Just and Unjust -- Imagination and Vanity: Pride versus Vanity -- The Development of the Imagination and the Origin of Crime -- Imagination and the Disruption of Civilized Wholeness -- 4. THE ALTERNATIVES FOR CIVILIZED LIFE (BOOKS II-VI) -- The Consequences of a Positive Education -- Books II-IV: Living outside Oneself -- Natural, Conventional, and Imaginary Places in the Political Order -- Book V: Subpolitical Social Wholeness -- Book VI: Happiness and Natural Wholeness -- The Loss of Happiness -- 5. THE REDISCOVERY OF NATURE (BOOKS VII AND VIII) -- The Theme and Structure of Part Two of the Confessions -- Book VII: Amour-propre and Knowledge -- Imagination, the Political Order, and Nature -- Book VIII: "I Saw Another Universe -- I Became Another Man -- Effervescence and Intoxication -- 6. THE RETURN TO NATURE? (BOOKS IX-XII).

Este artículo versa sobre como la adopción del cristianismo por parte del estado romano a principios del siglo IV d.C. afectó a la percepción y reprentación del poder imperial. Su principal foco de atención es la relación - a menudo objeto de arduas disputas - entre la imágenes del gobierno en los ámbitos terrestre y celestial. Para los partidarios de Constantino y sus sucesores cristianos, la nueva religión del Estado (hábilmente desplegada) ofrecía la posibilidad de presentar una imagen de la monarquía en la que el exclusivismo y el elabarorado ceremonial cortesano -tradicionalmente considerados indicios seguros de despotismo - podían percibirse como expresiones positivas de un poder legítimo. El cristianismo contribuyó a dar una forma nueva a las viejas ideologías del poder, en un estado más centralizado e intencionadamente más ceremonioso. Debe resaltarse, al mismo tiempo, que las imágenes de este mundo y el venidero eran intercambiables. La nueva ideología cristianizada del poder dio mayor sentido tanto a la proyección de los emperadores y su majestad imperial como a los expléndidos relatos sobre la omnipotencia divina plenos de dramatismo. En la Antigüedad Tardía, el cielo seguía siendo un lugar muy romano: los ángeles parecerían altos cargos cortesanos, Cristo llevaría la púrpura imperial y el Juicio Final sería imaginado como un terrorífico apocalipsis adminstrativo , caracterizado tanto por la complejidad de sus disposiciones judiciales como por la exactitud burocrática de unos castigos cuidadosamente graduados._________________________________This paper discusses the ways in which the adoption of Christianity by the Roman state at the beginning of the fourth century A. D. affected the perception and presentation of imperial power. Its focus is the -often difficult and much disputed- relationship between images of government in the earthly and heavenly realms. For supporters of Constantine and his Christian successors, the new state religion (skilfully deployed) offered a means of presenting a version of monarchy in which exclusion and elaborate courtly ceremonial -traditionally interpreted as sure signs of despotism- could be seen.

In the Confessions Rousseau provides a very helpful account of the composition of the Discourse on Inequality (as he calls the Second Discourse). This account contains two elements that prefigure the work's reputation among scholars today. First, Rousseau says that, while in his earlier works he had only partially revealed the basis of his thought, the question posed by the Academy of Dijon offered him the occasion to develop his principles, "completely in a work of the greatest importance." A few pages later he confirms the importance of the Discourse by saying, "Everything that is bold in the Social Contract was previously in the Discourse on Inequality." A consensus of scholars would, I think, agree that the Discourse is, indeed, a particularly bold work and the first place to look for a rigorous exposition of Rousseau's principles.

Although Rousseau does not generally head the list of the first generation of public intellectuals, it is vital that he be included in any such list. Rousseau was very much a public figure in his day: His intellectual work made him into a celebrity. This celebrity was something that Rousseau tried to escape in many ways, & yet it is also true that the great appeal of Rousseau's work -- both in his own time & to later generations -- was his ability to invest the most private events of his life with universal significance & to invest every public issue with questions derived from personal morality. His ability to meld the personal & public has become an important element in our understanding of the nature of the public intellectual. D. Knaff