On February 25, 1996, Sara Duker and Matthew Eisenfeld, an American couple visiting Israel and who had just secretly become engaged, were on Jerusalem's Number 18 bus on the city's Jaffa Road. At a stop, a young man carrying an Israeli army backpack got on, but wasn't an Israeli soldier. He reached into his knapsack, pulled a cord, and set off a huge bomb. Sara and Matthew, the bomber, and 21 others, died instantly. Their grieving families set out to get answers and justice. They discovered that Iran had financed the bombing as well as others that preceded it. They filed a lawsuit in U.S. courts against Iran, asking for money from Iranian assets that had been frozen in the U.S. since the late 1970s. They won a judgment of 327 million against the Iranian assets. The U.S. government blocked their efforts to collect damages. The families have not give up.
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There are disadvantages and benefits of population screening programmes. Although there is widespread public and political support for screening programmes of all kinds, important criteria must be applied before screening is introduced. The difference between population screening and opportunistic case-finding is identified here, and the costs, as well as the benefits, associated with screening are outlined. The importance of the difference between the sensitivity and the specificity of a test used in screening is explained. The economics of screening is considered, along with ethics and the importance of properly managing and evaluating screening systems. The current situation in the UK is described.
Tobacco remains one of the most valuable, dried, processed, almost-food commodities in the world. As a result manufacturing and storage, including transport, are important elements where serious infestations can occur. By agreement throughout the tobacco industry, and often as a result of national legislation, the "magic bullet" commonly used in the dried food industry against insect infestations – fumigation – is not available after the first processing stages. [Cereal processing is similar – grain and flour can be fumigated, but biscuits and cakes cannot.] The still unfinished "cut rag" dried chopped tobacco leaves – a very infestible commodity – is widely shipped around the world and frequently subjected to heavy infestation pressures, yet is already beyond the simplest curative method of fumigation.This paper describes the development, over several years, of effective insect detection systems, allowing hygiene and physical options to chemical control to be tested. The end result was a practical manual of logical systems and options - a fully independently audited system - which has implications for storage, transport and handling of all dried foods, where currently pesticides are used and relied upon.
OBJECTIVE: To describe how overly simple conceptualisations of how research is translated into public health policy impact impair effective translation. To suggest how alternative approaches to conceptualising impact, which incorporate recent developments in social and political sciences, can help stakeholders improve translation of high-quality public health research into policy impact. STUDY DESIGN: Researchers often describe generating impact in terms of linear or cyclical models, in which the production of scientific findings alone compels action and leads to impact. However, such conceptualisations do not appear to have supported improved translation of research into policy and practice. Improving understanding of how research impact is achieved may identify areas stakeholders seeking to achieve impact could target. METHODS: Overview of theoretical and practical approaches to achieving public health policy impact from research. RESULTS: Despite much evidence that translating research into public health policy is more complex than linear and cyclical models suggest, stakeholders often revert to these heuristics, that is shorthand ways of thinking that allow simple but inaccurate answers to complex problems. This leads to potentially missing opportunities for impact, such as conducting research in collaboration with local policy makers and contributing ideas to the wider narrative through the media and public engagement. CONCLUSION: The process of translating research into impact appears more complex than that suggested by linear and cyclical models. Success involves a planned approach targeting multiple routes to impact, sustained over time.
Recent public policy in the UK has been dominated by a discourse which asserts that public expenditure on universal health coverage and welfare is a burden on the productive economy and unaffordable in what has been deemed a time of austerity. There is a widely held assumption that universal welfare provision, as offered by most modern welfare states, is a luxury, only afforded since World War 2 by wealthier economies. According to this view, if the productive efficiency of the economy falters, then this luxury should be trimmed back aggressively. Reduction in universal welfare will relieve enterprise, capital, and so-called hard-working families from the burdens of taxation required to fund these unproductive public services and (by implication) those unproductive families—the poor. We argue from history that there should be an end to setting the goal of economic growth against that of welfare provision. A healthy and prospering society needs both. We suggest that they feed each other. ; The paper arose from discussions in the St John's College Reading Group on Health Inequalities in Cambridge (http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/st-john's-reading-group-health-inequalities), which was supported by the Annual Fund of the College.
OBJECTIVES: In England, in 2013, responsibility for some public health (PH) functions transferred from the National Health Service (NHS) to local government. This moved PH from a health-focussed into a broader and more politically oriented context. This article reports on the perceptions of those involved in this transition about how the PH function was changing as it transited to local government. STUDY DESIGN: This is a cross-sectional interview study. METHODS: The study included semi-structured interviews with 31 local government councillors, directors and deputy directors of PH, PH team members and members of clinical commissioning groups. Interviews and data analysis were informed by a theoretical framework, COM-B and an inductive and deductive approach was taken to identify relevant themes. RESULTS: There was a mixed picture of perceived gains and losses for PH. The transition from NHS to local government was seen by some as a 'homecoming', providing the opportunity for PH to have further reach through influence and collaboration with departments like housing, transport and planning. The opportunity to promote evidence-based practice across local government was also seen as a positive aspect of the transition. However, professional roles of PH and individual PH practitioners were perceived to have less influence and autonomy than in the NHS, with some uncertainty about roles within local government. PH practitioners perceived the need to develop other skills to fulfil their roles in local government. Shorter timescales for action and pressure for faster responses were reported to be the reason for less emphasis on using PH evidence to inform policy and decision-making than hitherto in the NHS. CONCLUSION: This study illustrates a variety of consequences of transitioning from NHS to local government. There were perceived benefits afforded by proximity to related local government departments but at the costs of reduction in status for PH practitioners and working to a timescale which in some cases reduced drawing on scientific evidence.
Background In 2013, many public health functions transferred from the National Health Service to local government in England. From 2006 NICE had produced public health guidelines based on the principles of evidence-based medicine. This study explores how the guidelines were received in the new environment in local government and related issues raised relating to the use of evidence in local authoritites. Methods In depth, interviews with 31 elected members and officers, including Directors of Public Health, from four very different local government organizations ('local authorities'). Results Participants reported that (i) there were tensions between evidence-based, and political decision-making; (ii) there were differences in views about what constituted 'good' evidence and (iii) that organizational life is an important mediator in the way evidence is used. Conclusions Democratic political decision-making does not necessarily naturally align with decision-making based on evidence from the international scientific literature, and local knowledge and local evidence are very important in the ways that public health decisions are made. ; This study was co-funded by National Institute for Health and Care Excellence and Economic and Social Research Council.
BACKGROUND: In the UK, responsibility for many public health functions was transferred in 2013 from the National Health Service (NHS) to local government; a very different political context and one without the NHS history of policy and practice being informed by evidence-based guidelines. A problem this move presented was whether evidence-based guidelines would be seen as relevant, useful and implementable within local government. This study investigates three aspects of implementing national evidence-based recommendations for public health within a local government context: influences on implementation, how useful guidelines are perceived to be and whether the linear evidence-guidelines-practice model is considered relevant. METHODS: Thirty-one councillors, public health directors and deputy directors and officers and other local government employees were interviewed about their experiences implementing evidence-based guidelines. Interviews were informed and analysed using a theoretical model of behaviour (COM-B; Capability, Opportunity, Motivation–Behaviour). RESULTS: Contextual issues such as budget, capacity and political influence were important influences on implementation. Guidelines were perceived to be of limited use, with concerns expressed about recommendations being presented in the abstract, lacking specificity and not addressing the complexity of situations or local variations. Local evidence was seen as the best starting point, rather than evidence-based guidance produced by the traditional linear 'evidence–guidelines–practice' model. Local evidence was used to not only provide context for recommendations but also replace recommendations when they conflicted with local evidence. CONCLUSIONS: Local government users do not necessarily consider national guidelines to be fit for purpose at local level, with the consequence that local evidence tends to trump evidence-based guidelines. There is thus a tension between the traditional model of guideline development and the needs of public health decision-makers and practitioners working in local government. This tension needs to be addressed to facilitate implementation. One way this might be achieved, and participants supported this approach, would be to reverse or re-engineer the traditional pipeline of guideline development by starting with local need and examples of effective local practice rather than starting with evidence of effectiveness synthesised from the international scientific literature. Alternatively, and perhaps in addition, training about the relevance of research evidence should become a routine for local government staff and councillors. ; The Economic and Social Research Council and the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence funded this study.
Recent public policy in the UK has been dominated by a discourse which asserts that public expenditure on universal health coverage and welfare is a burden on the productive economy and unaffordable in what has been deemed a time of austerity. There is a widely held assumption that universal welfare provision, as offered by most modern welfare states, is a luxury, only afforded since World War 2 by wealthier economies. According to this view, if the productive efficiency of the economy falters, then this luxury should be trimmed back aggressively. ; The paper arose from discussions in the St John's College Reading Group on Health Inequalities in Cambridge (http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/st-john's-reading-group-health-inequalities), which was supported by the Annual Fund of the College.
This paper introduces and discusses key issues in the economic evaluation of digital health interventions. The purpose is to stimulate debate so that existing economic techniques may be refined or new methods developed. The paper does not seek to provide definitive guidance on appropriate methods of economic analysis for digital health interventions. This paper describes existing guides and analytic frameworks that have been suggested for the economic evaluation of healthcare interventions. Using selected examples of digital health interventions, it assesses how well existing guides and frameworks align to digital health interventions. It shows that digital health interventions may be best characterized as complex interventions in complex systems. Key features of complexity relate to intervention complexity, outcome complexity, and causal pathway complexity, with much of this driven by iterative intervention development over time and uncertainty regarding likely reach of the interventions among the relevant population. These characteristics imply that more-complex methods of economic evaluation are likely to be better able to capture fully the impact of the intervention on costs and benefits over the appropriate time horizon. This complexity includes wider measurement of costs and benefits, and a modeling framework that is able to capture dynamic interactions among the intervention, the population of interest, and the environment. The authors recommend that future research should develop and apply more-flexible modeling techniques to allow better prediction of the interdependency between interventions and important environmental influences. ; This paper is one of the outputs of two workshops, one supported by the Medical Research Council (MRC)/National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Methodology Research Programme (PI Susan Michie) and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (PI Kevin Patrick), and the other by the National Science Foundation (PI Donna Spruitj-Metz, proposal # 1539846). The Health Economics Research Unit is funded in part by the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government Health and Social Care Directorates. ; This is the author accepted manuscript. It is currently under an indefinite embargo pending publication by Elsevier.