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This commentary evaluates the use of beheadings by the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. We place beheadings in a broader historical context and draw from academic research in terrorism studies and the social sciences to explain why the Islamic State has adopted such brutal tactics. We outline the strategic logic of beheading and evaluate explanations related to symbolic politics, culture, and organizational dynamics. We conclude with a discussion about the future of Islamic State violence.

This commentary evaluates the use of beheadings by the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. We place beheadings in a broader historical context and draw from academic research in terrorism studies and the social sciences to explain why the Islamic State has adopted such brutal tactics. We outline the strategic logic of beheading and evaluate explanations related to symbolic politics, culture, and organizational dynamics. We conclude with a discussion about the future of Islamic State violence. ; Publisher PDF

When rebels make alliances, what informs their choice of allies? Civil wars are rarely simple contests between rebels and incumbent regimes. Rather, rival militant networks provide the context in which these fragmented conflicts unfold. Alliances that emerge within this competitive landscape have the power to alter conflict trajectories and shape their outcomes. Yet patterns of interrebel cooperation are understudied. The existing scholarship on rebel alliances focuses on why rebels cooperate, but little attention is given to the composition of those alliances: with whom rebels cooperate. We explore how power, ideology, and state sponsorship can shape alliance choices in multiparty civil wars. Employing network analysis and an original data set of tactical cooperation among Syrian rebels, we find compelling evidence that ideological homophily is a primary driver of rebel collaboration. Our findings contribute to an emerging literature that reasserts the role of ideology in conflict processes.

We explored the effects on health of both household asset inequality and political armed conflict in Sudan. Using the 2010 Sudan household survey, we evaluated the role of both household asset distribution (measured by the Gini coefficient) and armed conflict status at the state level. We measured associations with six health-related outcomes: life expectancy, infant mortality, height-for-age (stunting), adequacy of food consumption, teenage birth rates and vaccination coverage for young children. For each of six measures of health in Sudan, outcomes were significantly worse in the states with more unequal asset distribution, with correlation coefficients ranging between -0.56 (stunting) and -0.80 (life expectancy). Conflict status predicted worse outcomes. Wealth redistribution in the more unequal states, as well as a political resolution of conflict, may improve population health.