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Choice is an integral aspect of the democratic system. This thesis is about stability and change in choices available to voters. In particular, it is about the choice of potential leaders of government available to voters. Many regard the office of prime minister as the most important political office in parliamentary democracies. In parliamentary democracies. the parties most likely to fulfil their ambitions of leading government are those that control the largest shares of seats in the legislature. By focusing on seat share, I am suggesting an alternative way of looking at the choices available to voters. On the one hand, there are the largest parliamentary parties, the potential leaders of government. On the other hand, there are the parties that can at best expect to play a supporting role in government. In this thesis, my dependent variable is stability and change in the set of potential leaders of government parties. Stability in the set of potential leaders of government implies that the parties controlling the largest shares of seats in the most recently elected legislature are also the parties that controlled the largest shares of seats in the outgoing legislature. Change in the set of leading parties implies that one or both, of the parties that controlled one of the largest shares of seats in the outgoing legislature no longer does so. I examine four explanations of stability and change in he party system: electoral instability, changes in the distribution of voters? preferences, the systemic and institutional context of the electoral decision and the actions of political parties. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie

The role of elite party leaders in coordinating their supporters is explored, drawing on aggregate & opinion poll data from four general elections in Ireland, 1987-1997. Analysis reveals the willingness of voters to comply with their party's suggestions regarding interparty transfers, ie, the distribution of their vote to a less-preferred candidate if the preferred candidate does not need or cannot use it. The PR-STV electoral system is outlined, & the relationship between the five main parties -- Fine Gael, Labour, Fianna Fail, Progressive Democrats, & the Workers' Party/Democratic Left -- is described. Regression analysis of 361 transferring pairs of candidates reveals that interparty transfers of votes are greater when the relationship between two parties is more favorable, demonstrating the significance of elite coordination. 2 Tables, 25 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

This is an annual register of core political data covering the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. This yearbook constitutes an important time series of data on Irish politics that includes members of governments, state of the parties in parliament, parliamentary committees and all election results.

This is an annual register of core political data covering the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. This yearbook constitutes an important time series of data on Irish politics that includes members of governments, state of the parties in parliament, parliamentary committees and all election results.

In this article we examine the opinion structure of Irish Labour party members and supporters. Our purpose is to test May's law of curvilinear disparity by dividing party members into two groups as outlined by Kitschelt. By focusing on ideological differences within political parties Kitschelt identifies two types of members: ideologues and pragmatists. We use two individual-level data sets: the Labour Leadership Election Study (LLES) and the Irish National Election Study (INES), to test May's law. We find some limited support for May's law and Kitschelt's extensions to this model.