Suchergebnisse

1. Civic Engagement: What Is It and Why Is It Important -- 2. Civic Engagement for Fragile Societies – Choosing from Traditional to Radical -- 3. Social Media: The New Civic Engagement? -- 4. Civic Engagement in Extraordinary Times – The Case of COVID 19 -- 5. Leading Civic Engagement: What Difference Does Leadership Make? -- 6. Civic Engagement and Democracy: But Is Democracy 'Dead'? -- 7. Civic Engagement Redeveloped: New Ways to Support Democracy.

Europe and Asia represent between them a significant land mass and population density as well cultural traditions and historical connections that highlight the diversity and the commonalities of their constituent nation states. The European Union has recognized the importance of Asia in its policy priorities and Asian leaders increasingly look to Europe not just for investment opportunities but also cultural contacts with a special focus on encouraging mobility in the field of education. This paper examines the rationale for greater Asia-Europe dialogue especially in the field of education. It locates the basis of dialogue not just in high stakes international assessments of student performance but also cultural traditions that focus on deliberation and cooperative learning.

Citizenship education has been an important feature of the school curriculum in the United States from the time of Hamilton and Jefferson when it was argued that "educating people for citizenship was . a means of assuring the establishment and maintenance of the republic (Dynneson and Gross, 1992, p.2). In Australia, however, citizenship education has not had such an impetus and at least one explanation has been offered (Kennedy, 1993, p. I). There has not been the historical need in Australia to create and reinforce a rationale for a 'new' democracy. Australians in general have settled for a democracy based on their colonial heritage. For the most part, the issue of how a democratic culture might actively be manifested in Australia has remained unaddressed.

"The book explores the state of social studies education within selected East Asian societies and provides some insights into distinctive classroom practices. In an increasingly volatile and unpredictable world, the education of young people who both understand the contexts in which they are growing up and see the need for engaging with them is a top priority. This task falls to social studies education which carries the responsibility for inducting young people into their social world and helping them to see the role they can play within it. This is particularly important in East Asia where strong economic growth, long held cultural values and diverse political systems create an environment that challenges young people on multiple fronts. This book, with its team of regional authors, shows how different societies in the region are dealing with these challenges and what can be expected from future citizens. The book will appeal to policy makers, researchers and teachers interested in the current state of social studies education in East Asian societies."--

"This book interrogates politics and practices of multiculturalism and multicultural education in contexts where liberal and critical multiculturalism is under pressure. It examines and interrogates perspectives on multiculturalism and the political and social to diversity in societies in Asia and Europe. It is set against a background of increasing right wing radicalism and pervasive authoritarianism in different parts of the world. These ideologies not only undermine multiculturalism but the potential of democracy itself. The book includes chapters from leading scholars on multiculturalism, interculturalism and diversity around the world. It examines the challenges to multicultural diversity in the Global North, and makes a distinctive contribution by addressing this issue in the Global South societies of Asia, including Myanmar, China, and Pakistan. As such, this book opens up international debate about multiculturalism by providing exchanges rarely heard across borders"--

This study explores Chinese secondary students' intentions for future political participation drawing on samples of students from Mainland China and Hong Kong. Political participation examined in this study includes both conventional participation (legal protest, electoral participationandinformal participation) and unconventional participation (illegal protest). Previous studies of adolescents' political participation intentions have mainly been concerned with democratic regimes while this study focuses on authoritarian and hybrid regimes, such as those in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Adopting a comparative and quantitative methodology, this study utilized secondary data analysis with large samples. This study found that students from both societies showed a weak endorsement of illegal protest but a strong endorsement of all three types of conventional participation. Mainland Chinese students demonstrated a stronger endorsement of conventional participation than their Hong Kong counterparts. To understand inner-group difference, students were clustered into four groups (Alienated-Radical Participators, Supportive-Active Participators, Loyal-Minimal ParticipatorsandCritical-Active Participators) based on their political attitudes (political trustandpolitical efficacy) and intentions for future political participation. Results suggest that Hong Kong had moreAlienated-Radical Participatorswhile Mainland China had moreSupportive-Active Participators. In general, Mainland Chinese students were more regime-supporting and Hong Kong students were more regime-challenging.