Suchergebnisse

The British exit from the EU is feeding into a general sense of uncertainty about the EU's future. This uncertainty may be further exacerbated by US President Donald Trump, who has called into question both NATO's and the EU's viability. But irrespective of Brexit or the Trump administration's actions, it is vital that France, Germany, and the UK continue to work closely together on European defense post-Brexit. ; ISSN:1664-0667

In 1999, few people would have predicted that the EU would send ships to Somalia, police to Afghanistan, judges to Kosovo and soldiers to Chad. Yet, that is exactly what the EU has been doing. The European Security and Defence policy (ESDP) –since renamed the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) – was launched shortly after NATO's war in Kosovo in June 1999, to ensure that Europeans could respond to international crises, including launching operations, without depending on the US (via NATO). Since 2003 the EU has initiated some 24 peace-support operations in Europe, Africa and Asia, using both civil and military resources, and some of these missions have had impressive results. However, at times there have been some real difficulties with CSDP operations, ranging from resource shortages, intermittent political support from Member States, and a lack of coordination between EU actors. Lessons already identified in the crisis management debate point to two fundamental factors of success. First, a comprehensive approach that brings together the different actors deployed in the field. Second, the resilience of the political and material commitment of crisis management actors, possibly over many years. Both these factors pose important questions for the future of EU peace operations.

Résumé L'Europe de la Défense est confrontée à de nombreux défis en 2008. L'implication militaire et diplomatique européenne à l'international devrait croître, en raison du désengagement américain de certaines zones et de la nécessité pour l'UE de pacifier ses pays frontaliers. Or, la défense européenne manque de moyens. Le traité de Lisbonne prévoit, par ailleurs, un développement et une réforme de la défense européenne, avec la création de coopérations structurées permanente. L'UE va également probablement engager une réflexion sur les défis futurs de sécurité et de défense. Un autre enjeu est de tenter d'améliorer la relation OTAN-UE. La France doit ainsi convaincre la Grande-Bretagne et les nouveaux États membres, traditionnellement atlantistes, que le renforcement de la politique de défense de l'UE ne va pas nuire à l'OTAN.

The article argues that the relative absence of foreign policy from the EU's counter-terrorism efforts is surprising given the nature of the threat. The reasons for this range from the EU's role and approach to counter-terrorism, to the leading role of interior ministers and a focus on the internal threat. External factors and actors also come into play, such as the US 'global war on terror' and Nato's role in counter-terrorism. The article explores three core aspects of the external dimension of counter-terrorism policy and argues that areas such as development assistance and democracy promotion have become securitized. Adapted from the source document.