Suchergebnisse

While many scholars investigate the determinants of negativity in the political sphere, it remains largely unclear why some politicians are more negative than others. Studies thus far lack explanations at the individual level, and they almost exclusively focus on negativity during electoral races. Surveying national and regional representatives in Belgium (N = 228), this study seeks to explain individual politicians' willingness to go negative during everyday politics. The results show that negativity is not so much related to institutionally driven differences between representatives but more to politicians' personal characteristics and preference roles. Negative politics, hence, is not an inevitable result of institutional structures, rules, and norms, but rather depends on the characteristics and motivations of the individual representatives citizens elect.

This study analyzes the extent to which collective action frames with certain qualities resonate with protesters. It goes beyond previous research on frame resonance by directly examining the frames that demonstrators use to motivate their participation and by comparing them with the frames of social movement organizations. The data consist of protest surveys from more than 5,000 participants in twenty-nine street demonstrations on various issues in three countries—Belgium, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Results show that frames that appeal to people's everyday experiences resonate more than abstract or technical frames do. Also, resonance is higher when blame for the issue is put on a specific person or organization than when intangible forces or causes are held responsible. A comparison of two Dutch student demonstrations illustrates the results. These events were similar in most aspects but differed in framing and the extent to which protesters aligned with the organizers' frames.

Protest surveys are increasingly used to tackle questions related to participation in social movements. However, it is unclear whether they generate useful and valid data. This study puts the protest survey design to the test by relying on data of 51 demonstrations (2009–2011) in seven European countries. We use data on 15,000 protest participants combined with screener questionnaires and extensive debriefing records of the interviewer teams. We account for noncontact (fieldwork problems), immediate and delayed refusal, and refusal bias. Results show that fieldwork problems are frequent, that immediate refusal is low, and that delayed refusal is considerable. Systematic refusal bias is only found for age and education. Differences between countries and protest issues are small but the issue determines the composition of an event which, in turn, leads to higher or lower refusal. Researchers should be cautious when using protest survey data to compare protest events across issues. The paper pleads for standardization and constant monitoring of the data-gathering process.

Why do some people participating in transnational protest events identify with their foreign counterparts while others participating in the same events do not? We find that participants in a series of May Day and climate change events are aware that the events are part of a broader struggle, and many in fact identify with their overseas counterparts. However, there are differences between demonstrations. Some are populated with people who identify transnationally, while others are comprised of participants who more closely identify with their national companions. Focusing on differences in transnational identification at the participant level, our findings can be summarized in two statements: (1) protest participation is a stronger producer of transnational identification than associational activism; (2) expressive protesters identify more transnationally than instrumentally motivated protesters.

Why do some people participating in transnational protest events identify with their foreign counterparts while others participating in the same events do not? We find that participants in a series of May Day and climate change events are aware that the events are part of a broader struggle, and many in fact identify with their overseas counterparts. However, there are differences between demonstrations. Some are populated with people who identify transnationally, while others are comprised of participants who more closely identify with their national companions. Focusing on differences in transnational identification at the participant level, our findings can be summarized in two statements: (1) protest participation is a stronger producer of transnational identification than associational activism; (2) expressive protesters identify more transnationally than instrumentally motivated protesters. Adapted from the source document.